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Three conditions, they argue, supported southern paternalism. First, white and especially black tenant farmers and sharecroppers needed well-connected patrons to protect them from antipathetic laws and adverse economic and social norms--laws and norms fostered and enforced by the privileged class from which patrons could be drawn.
Second, plantation owners had an incentive to provide their workers with protection and to facilitate loans to them in order to reduce labor turnover and the monitoring costs of a decentralized production process. Paternalism bought loyalty and hard work.
Third, owners opposed any extension of national welfare benefits to southern farm workers because such laws might interfere with patron-client relationships or even substitute a governmental for a private patron. Fortunately for the plantation owners, the South's one-party politics and the House and Senate norms designating the most senior members as powerful committee chairmen gave white southerners effective veto power over national social welfare legislation.
The combination of these three factors allowed the paternalistic equilibrium to be maintained for a century after the Civil War. Only when an exogenous technological change, the perfection of the cotton-picking machine, disrupted the equilibrium in the 1960s could the American welfare state mature. Plantations no longer needed workers with "farm-specific" skills, and they required far fewer total workers. With nothing to gain from paternalism any more, planters could transfer the costs to the public. The plantation elite and its political minions in Congress therefore finally allowed comprehensive welfare bills to pass.
Offering a tidy explanation for puzzling and significant regional and national trends, integrating politics knowledgeably and seamlessly into an essentially economic analysis, interpreting paternalism as an economically rational bargain, rather than a misty ideological-cultural construct, and avoiding mathematicized theory and statistical estimations, this short, provocative book should fit well into courses in economic history and American political development, and it deserves the attention of nonacademic readers interested in American history. But its omissions make its arguments less than wholly persuasive.
Perhaps the boldest claim in this book is that it was a shift in the attitudes and behavior of the plantation elite, not the reenfranchisement of southern blacks or the increasing political potency of northern black and white liberals, that led to the full-blown national welfare state, which Alston and Ferrie associate with Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs (p. 120).
Although it is true, as they emphasize, that southerners did retain considerable power in congressional committees through the end of the 1960s, their constituencies were changing and becoming more complicated, and they were by no means as responsive to cotton plantation owners as they had been earlier. The combination of the boll weevil, the agricultural depression of the 1920s and 1930s, and New Deal agricultural programs diversified the region's agriculture. Even before the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965, nearly 40 percent of African-American adults were registered to vote in the South. Urbanization, suburbanization, cracks in one-party control, and the anticipation of political upheaval to come also helped to change politicians' strategies.
Mechanization was important, and Alston and Ferrie's discussion of it is nuanced and provocative. But even assuming that the pre-1960 expansion of the welfare state can be largely ignored, it will take more evidence, including direct evidence from the mouths or papers of members of Congress, to establish mechanization as the sole or chief cause of southern political change that allowed the expansion of governmentally provided welfare.
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It is a fundamental and universal characteristic of Native American cultures that "religion" is not a separate category of activity or experience that is divorced from culture or society. Rather, religion is pervasively present and is in complex interrelationships with all aspects of the peoples' lives. Each chapter focuses upon specific examples of this integration of religion, or the sacred, with daily life in the context of a particular tribal group.
These fundamental principles, expressed in different cultural contexts through differing formal expression, not only provide a thread of unity throughout the book, but collectively, also represent a model of the multiple dimensions of the sacred which come together in an organic interrelated manner in any one Native American culture
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