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At home, concerns about Communist sympathi- zers, subversives and fellow travellers increased. Truman issued an order in March , 1947 requiring 2,200,000 federal employees to sign a loyalty oath swearing that they had never been affiliated with any subversive organizations. The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) , America's watchdog against subversives, had a mandate to ferret out disloyal or suspect citizens. Their most notorious investigations were those of Hollywood actors and writers, many of whom had careers ruined as a result of blacklisting, and others who served federal prison sentences.
In this febrile climate appeared a brazen and opportunistic senator who made, on February 9, 1950 in Wheeling, West Virginia, one of the most inflammatory statements in U.S. history. He declared that he had in his hand a list of 205 names that were known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party and who, nevertheless, were still working and shaping policy in the State Department. Thus began the dubious career of the most infamous of all the anti-Communist witch hunters, and in the words of author Jim Tuck was "ignited a conflagration which would not subside until the senator's censure in 1954."
McCarthy was a late arrival to the anti-Communist forces. He had no comments to make when Cardinal Mindszenty was imprisoned and brainwashed in Poland by the Communists in 1949. Nor did the Wisconsin senator have anything to say when Alger Hiss, a State Department employee, was tried for espionage and convicted the following year. Both were major incidents, the former international and the latter national. During this period McCarthy was attacking federally-funded housing projects as a breeding ground for Communists, and challenging a Wisconsin news editor for being a Communist. In both cases the causes were parochial and personal. The editor was unfriendly to McCarthy in the one case, and he was being paid a fee by a housing developer in the other.
While Tuck is reluctant to accuse McCarthy of opportunism, it does seem that his failure to speak out in support of a Catholic cardinal being persecuted by the Russians, as well as his lack of interest in a major spy case, is indicative of the self- serving nature of McCarthy's anti-communist activities.
From 1950 to 1952 McCarthy grabbed headline after headline as he accused people of being Communists. His figure of 205 changed from 57 then to 81 with astoundingly little loss of credibility with the press or the American populace. Undeterred, he charged President Truman's speech writer of being a Communist, then he accused the founder of the Americans For Democratic Action. He stated that the wealthy Caroline Lloyd Strobell (who died in 1941) was a Communist, despite the fact that she had a $14 million interest in the right- wing Chicago Tribune, because she had once made a $1 donation to the Daily Worker.Finally he charged the Senate investigating group of covering up for friends in the State Depart- ment, and attacked the consul in Calcutta and twenty-nine others as being pro-Communist. Few of McCarthy's allegations were substanti- ated as the Wisconsin senator, like a loose cannon, fired off volley after volley, wantonly destroying careers. Nevertheless the headlines in the Hearst press read "Go To It, Joe!" and "McCarthy Flays Senate Probers." In addition, a Gallop poll showed that 50% of all Americans had a "favorable" opinion of his activities.
In 1952 when the Republicans took over the Senate, McCarthy's seniority entitled him to a post on the Senate Appropriations Committee. Instead, he opted for little-known Committee on Government Operations. What attracted him was one of its component parts: The Permanent Subcommittee on Government Operations. He took over this subcommittee and began a series of investigatory hearings, including that of the Voice of America which resulted in the resignation of the acting chief. His commit- tee's probe of the Army was less successful, although he did manage to get an army dentist to resign. When during the course of the hearings, McCarthy viciously and gratuitously attacked the reputation of a young lawyer, however, he began his political downfall. "Have you no shame, sir?" asked Army Chief Counsel Joseph Welsh. "Let us not assassinate this lad further, Senator...Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you no sense of decency?" When Welsh finished, the hearing room burst into applause. The next day, banner headlines proclaiming "Have You No Decency?" appeared in newspapers across the country. It was the beginning of the end.
Tuck's major contribution to this history is a lively style, an unbiased approach, and a careful examination of the role of the Hearst press in the rise and fall of Senator McCarthy. According to Tuck, William Randolph Hearst and his newspapers were in the forefront of the anti-Communist crusade, as was apparent from their coverage of events and their editorials from 1946 on. They were Red-haters with an apocalyptic stance who came out strongly in defense of Cardinal Mindszenty, and gave much coverage to the infamous Hiss trial.
Following McCarthy's speech in 1950 when he said he had the names of 205 Communists in the State Department, the Hearst papers gave McCarthy wide support in columns and editori- als. The enthusiasm of the Hearst press was at its peak during the 1952 elections, which resulted in a Republican landslide. Then followed a period of criticism and finally withdrawal of support (or even comment) by the Hearst press as McCarthy was finally censured by the Senate and moved into his reckless and alcoholically irrational period, charging even conservative Republicans with being soft on Communism. For McCarthy, this lack of comment or "brownout" by the Hearst press was the unkindest cut of all. Possessed of a drive for glory, hungry for public attention and for headlines, he now was ignored. On May 2, 1957, after again falling "off the wagon in a heap," he died of cirrhosis of the liver at Bethesda Naval Hospital.
Reckless, self-serving and opportunistic, McCarthy brought American to the brink of national paranoia and intolerance. As this disturbing book by Jim Tuck illustrates, he had a great deal of help along the way-- including that of the nation's most powerful publisher, and his editors and image makers. Without their help, he might never have come to power. Without their complicity, he surely would not have damaged so many lives.
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Ratzinger than demonstrates how this view is incorporated into Christian theology. He emphasizes the need to first properly understand the fatherhood of God, and how this is necessary to properly understand Christian brotherhood. How it is necessary to see this brotherhood through God's fatherhood and Christ's divine sonship by means of the Eucharist. He also briefly touches upon how vastly different this fatherhood concept in Christianity is from other forms of fatherhood found in other religions.
He then gives the historical barriers that were destroyed because of this newfound understanding. Whether it was to eliminate racial, national or economic boundaries, or to create, for the first time in history, a brotherhood where man and female are equals. He also gives the responsibility the Christian brother has to the non-believer. Cardinal Ratzinger than gives the limits of this unique understanding. This chapter is necessary to set the limits on how far you can take the meaning and to clarify what Ratzinger is not saying.
The final chapter deals with the relationship of this view of Christian brotherhood to the divine mission of Jesus Christ. Throughout this chapter, Ratzinger demonstrates how necessary it is to look at Christian brotherhood through Christ acts of Redemption and salvation history. He then delves into how this reflects on how we should act, as Christian brothers united to Christ. Throughout this process, Ratzinger gives wonderful insights and shows how Christian brotherhood, and only Christian brotherhood, truly gives the most unifying concept of brotherhood.
Ratzinger finishes the book with a short postscript on how Catholics view how Protestants fit into this overall understanding of Christian brotherhood. How, to Catholics, it fits well to call them "separated brethren". Which stresses both points that need to be stressed, when a Catholic addresses a protestant. The first is the need to let the protestant know that he is closer, much closer, to the brotherhood of the Church than the non-believer, but still needs to be reminded of Christ wish that the Church should be one.
One last point that needs to be mentioned, Scott Hahn only writes the foreword for this book. The book was written long before Scott Hahn became Catholic, so Scott Hahn merely praises the book and the author, on how influential they were to his conversion. With this in mind, this is definitely a very thought provoking book that needs to be read by everybody who is interested in the relationship of the Christian to the non-believer and how this is taught through salvation history.
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I recommend this book to anyone interested in measure theory, whether or not their interest extends to probability.
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