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Peace.
Until now, Dawn fans have had to scour used comic bins and internet sites just to find their favorite individual drawings and paintings. Linsner must have realized that, and made the job easier by putting all his best-known illustrations of Dawn into a single compact volume. It's a pocket-sized book, but crammed full of its subject, and that's all any Dawn fan wants.
For those who want a little more detail as to exactly which illustrations are to be found, the answer is Dawn's most famous cover poses, numerous panels from Lucifer's Halo, and quite a few stand-alone one-shots, including those that (until now) were found only in Linsner's sketchbooks ...
There's no real text here, just lots and lots of everyone's favorite enigmatic redheaded goddess with the Veronica Lake hairdo. And if you're looking up this title, that's all you really wanted to know.
So, enjoy!
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THE POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY was written just before Marx might have been considered the founder of a settled doctrine, but it is full of signs that Marx saw how necessary it was that those who would rule should think like a government, or like a burning bush, and more honest than the law could ever be. Most of the observations in this book are based upon economic considerations. In pure economics, the almighty dollar would be the standard for determining matters of exchange, but this book is in search of a basis for political economics. In opposition to the political economics of Proudhon, which was based on the idea of equality, Marx wrote:
Hypotheses are only made in view of some end. The end proposed to itself in the first place by the social genius which speaks by the mouth of M. Proudhon, was the elimination of that which was evil in each economic category, in order to have only the good. For him good, the supreme good, the true practical end, is equality. And why does the social genius propose equality rather than inequality, fraternity, Catholicism, or any other principle? Because "humanity has realized successively so many particular hypotheses only in view of a superior hypothesis," which is precisely equality. In other words: because equality is the ideal of M. Proudhon. He imagines that the division of labor, credit, the workshop, that all the economic relations have been invented only for the benefit of equality, and nevertheless they have always finished by turning against her. From the fact that the history and the fiction of M. Proudhon contradict each other at every step, he concludes that there is a contradiction. If there is a contradiction it exists only between his fixed idea and the real movement.
Henceforth the good side of an economic relation is that which affirms equality, the bad side is that which denies it and affirms inequality. Every new category is a hypothesis of the social genius to eliminate the inequality engendered by the preceding hypothesis. To sum up, equality is the primitive intention, the mystic tendency, the providential end, that the social genius has before its eyes in turning round and round in the circle of economic contradictions. Providence is also the locomotive which conveys all the economic baggage of M. Proudhon better than his pure and heedless reason. (p. 129)
In the time of Marx, the struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat classes was political, but the almighty dollar has managed to produce a politics which is fundamentally only for those of standing, who have "conflicting, antagonistic interests, inasmuch as they find themselves opposed by each other. This opposition of interests flows from the economic conditions of their bourgeois life." (pp. 133-4). According to Marx, any attempt by a humanitarian school of economics was doomed to have a theory which was actually based "upon interminable distinctions between theory and practice, between principles and results, between the idea and the application, between the content and the form, between the essence and the reality, between right and fact, between the good and evil side." (p. 135) Marx proposes an ability to see beyond this, imagining the power of "the revolutionary subversive side which will overturn the old society." (p. 137). Even without communism, the papers are full of the efforts of the doomed to try this stunt, and of the government to stop them. General Sherman was as American as any economist.
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The analysis of how our early institutions came to have form beyond the minimal guidance outlined in the Constitution is memorable for the phrase, "chinked in," ad hoc as it were, and for giving name to a distinctly American tradition of doing administration on the fly, filling the details as needed. This runs counter to Woodrow Wilson's admiration for Prussian efficiency and organization, which became a later, dominant theme in public affairs.
One other flaw mars an otherwise fine volume: early on, the author states that the Roman Republic did not become the Empire until the mid-second century, A.D. The proper date would by 27, B.C., but hopefully, this typo will be corrected in the next edition of what ought to be a standard work in the field of public administration.
-Lloyd A. Conway
In the "Preface to Public Administration" Stillman (1991) presents a very interesting set of explanations about the past of American public administration and the impact of that past on what is happening or not happening in the contemporaneous public administration (despite much efforts) in the country. Stillman (1991) connects the Republican ideals, embedded in the principles such as the elimination of the king, heredity, hierarchy, privilege, noble titles, and tradition as a basis of rule, and above all, elimination of anything that smacks of royal bureaucracy or administration and substitution of an electoral system based on consent of the people (p. 22), to the historical direction and progress of public administration in the United States. That political history matters too much to understand the practice of American public administration with its peculiar tensions and problems echoes in the Preface to Public Administration. A number of American public administration scholars, perhaps the most renowned of whom is Dwight Waldo (1948; 1984), have long attempted to tie the political philosophy and traditions of the United States more intimately to the seemingly politics-free public administration theory and practice in the United States. Stillman is surely one of those scholars that skillfully and convincingly demonstrate to the reader that the "stateless origins" of American public administration have had as much influence on the historical course of public administration.
I will try to summarize Stillman's thesis in a very concise way. Stillman (1991) argues that the Founding Fathers of the United States, who were passionate antagonists of a powerful administration that they associated with corrupted power, designed a system of government based on the checks and balances in which no individual, group or institution was much more powerful than each other so as to predominate the political arena to its own interest. The framers of American Constitution lived in an era when government was the power and the bulk of society was made up of simple, frugal, individual businessmen and farmers. They could not envision a country in which massive and competing private sources of power (corporations) came into existence and complex problems of massive urbanization occurred and the two World Wars broke out that all would encourage the emergence of "new American state" largely outside the Constitution, in piecemeal, extra-constitutional fashion. In the Europe, public administration theory and practice was derived from and integrated intimately to the political philosophy of that continent in a more orderly and symmetrical, a more prudent, a more articulate, and a more cohesive fashion. As a result, a more powerful state bureaucracy was created in European continent. What happened in the United States was the quite reverse of European-like progress of public administration: a more internally competitive, more experimental, a nosier and less coherent, less powerful bureaucracy within its own governmental system. Public administration emerged and developed in America not as an offspring of a state-centered political theory but as a product of temporal reactions and responses to the rising problems of society such as the emergence of corruption-prone big corporations, massive urbanization process and its problems and the like that required orderly and expert action from administration. As problems emerged, new programs and agencies were placed into operation, with public bureaucracies functioning in a system in which power is perceived to be grabbed and to be corruption-prone, and therefore, to be fragmented to its extreme. In such a landscape, public administration turned out to be dispersed and incoherent, and partly disabled to be effective. What at present times the observers of American public administration see as incoherency, diversity, tension, and powerlessness in administration, according to Stillman (1991) resulted from the stateless origins of public administration that were the by-products of American political beliefs.
The book is organized around eight major chapters. In the first five chapters, Stillman (1991) gives detail to the stateless origin of American public administration and its impact on the historical progress and contemporary problems of public administration. In the sixth chapter, Stillman (1991) shows the incoherent and diverse nature of American public administration theory that is manifest in its drive to a great degree of specialization in texts, teaching, and training. In the seventh chapter, the author compares four competing visions of state (no state, bold state, pre-state, and pro-state), with each one's advantages and disadvantages. In the eighth chapter, Stillman (1991) discusses the future of American public administration, with some recommendations for a synthesis.
Overall, Stillman's book deserves to be a public administration classic and I highly recommend this master to the students of public administration. Also recommended are "Administrative State" by Dwight Waldo (1948), "America the Unusual" by John Kingdon (1998), "The Enterprise of Public Administration" by Dwight Waldo (2001), and "Creating the American State" by Richard Stillman (2002).
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Compared and contrasted are such enlightening pairs as Thomas Hart Benton vs. John C. Calhoun in the gathering storm of the pre-Civil War era, Henry Cabot Lodge vs. Thomas J. Walsh in the pivotal 1900-1920's, and the Humphrey vs. Thurmond dichotomy which persists to this day.
With photos, notes, and index, this is a useful exploration of some leaders and issues less widely seen.
(The "score" rating is an ineradicable feature of the page. This reviewer does not "score" books.)
This collection is a welcome addition to the literature on the Mormon prophet neither for its exhaustive consideration nor for the insights offered, but because it collects in one place several important articles on the place of Joseph Smith in the history of American religion. Several of the leading scholars of early Mormonism-among them Richard Bushman, Jan Shipps, and Thomas G. Alexander-are represented in the collection, as are outstanding non-Mormon scholars such as Alan Taylor and Lawrence Foster.
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I find Juran immensely useful in my quality practice. This book remains one the standard works that I keep going back to. Juran's concepts are much more "applied" than "theoretical". Deming's works seem so distant, and esoteric. Juran has been there, done that. And, his methods work!
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Like Job he gradually loses that faith, not denying, by reviling god. His child-like trust and dependence on the beneficence of the state are shattered as his permit, his right to exist, is taken. Chapter 7 and 8 of the book in particular capture how easily our lives can change by a simple encounter with others whom we do not know. Herr Arnold enters the tale in chapter 7, totally from the blue and in only a few pages, Roth captures as well as any author the psychology or rage and its transference onto others - road rage without the automobiles. Rebellion, though little known or read, belongs in the same exclusive club as the The Good Soldier Svejk by Jaroslav Hasek and Kafka's The Trial. Each is unique, but they have in common protagonists who face a world that cares little for them, or more accurately is unaware of them. Svejk bumbles through and unwittingly overcomes in spite of everything; K struggles against the injustice of it all, and Andreas faith in god and state gradually dissolve and his life with it.
But for the grace of god (or luck) there go I echo's throughout the pages of this marvelous little work. Few writers capture the paradox of man's need for others and man as alone from others as well as Joseph Roth. Andrea's cry, when all is literally gone, "I don't want Your mercy! I want to go to Hell," brings him life in death. A man of perpetual concessions, he rises in rebellion. Fortunately for us, Roth's works have not been thrown into the Inferno, but only have been mired in publication limbo, and nearly all his novels, short stories, and his marvelous book of essays, The Wandering Jews, have been resurrected. There is much despair in Rebellion, but in its humanity, it is not a despairing work. As good a place as any to begin reading the cannon of Joseph Roth!