Lazy, opportunist, yet with a redeeming sense of humour, he obtains the perfect sinecure as medical director of a clinic for sick children in Maybelle, Switzerland.

But he has forgotten how swiftly the fabric of comfort, from his cheery Swedish lover to his nightly touch with Kirsch, can be worn away. Carroll's Puritan blood and Catholic conscience, for he is a product of Levenford's distinct societies, tug at him from his roots in urban Clydeside.

Most dangerous of all is the clinging affection of a remarkable small boy called Daniel. His arrival, with his mother Cathy Davigan from Caroll's past, disrupts the young doctor's Swiss idyll and threatens the easy future he has so cleverly contrived for himself.

Cronin writes best about fictional Levenford, based on the small west coast town of Dumbarton; with its descriptions of Carroll's earlier life the book fairly comes alive. His vision and touch for a European life almost extinct is also sound, and excuses his rather epiphanous conclusion. Fine work from a master.

In Politics of God, the author argues that God does indeed have a plan for humanity which He gradually reveals to mankind. It is basically that the kind of human values Jesus preached will definitely, inevitably, come to be realized and practiced by humanity one day.

Yet both traditional Judaism and traditional Christianity abandoned this insight, due to various historical reasons. Judaism seems to favor a nationalism that wields power, and Christianity seems to favor getting to heaven while letting the establish ment of God's Kingdom on earth simmer on the back burner.

What is needed now is a small dedicated group of people who will devote themselves to bringing God's Kingdom on earth, regardless of their "religious" persuasion. In secular terminology, he favors the establishment of a universal humanitarianism by means of loving service to others without any attempt to coerce. Schonfield says that this process will be slow and painful. He actively participated in several such organizations during the 1930-1950s. He spends many pages contrasting the urge to do the right thing by means of force (Romanism) with doing the right thing by means of service (Messianism).

While traditional Jews and Christians may not recognize him as an ally, this reviewer thinks that he is on the right path, and shame on us if we do not join him.

Nancy Lorraine, Reviewer

In the latter half of the nineteenth century the LDS (Mormon) Church, settled in what is now the State of Utah, authorized and encouraged men to take multiple wives. This was based on a belief that such marriages were the will of God. The practice led to intense opposition by the US government, causing the LDS Church to officially abandon this position in 1890. Some church members, convinced that plural marriage was correct and the official church leadership had fallen from the true path, separated and formed their own churches where the practice of plural marriage continued. Such practitioners are automatically excommunicated by the official LDS Church. Plural marriage is actually a criminal offense in Utah, but the state has not actively prosecuted it for several decades. The last major organized police raid on one of these churches occurred in the 1950s.

Beginning in the 1970s Joseph Ginat, then a graduate student of anthropology at the University of Utah, began building contacts with these Mormon fundamentalists, estimated to number between 20,000 and 60,000. This was a slow and delicate process because of the long history of oppression. Practitioners of plural marriage are still subject to various forms of discrimination so tend to be secretive. For this reason, it is effectively impossible to gather reliable statistics on these people, so any numbers quoted should be taken as very approximate.

Members of the Mormon fundamentalist churches share a belief in the patriarchal authority and duties of the husband, traditional gender roles, and having lots of kids. About 20% of their families are plural marriages. There are two main fundamentalist churches: one in a rural area on the Utah-Arizona border, and another in urban Salt Lake County. There are also a number of smaller groups and independent families. The rural church is more conservative than the urban church. A few radical or outspoken groups get most of the media attention, but the majority of fundamentalists are very quiet.

Drs. Altman and Ginat studied 26 Mormon fundamentalist plural marriage families by interviewing them in their homes and other locations. Most of those interviewed had been born or raised within the fundamentalist movement. This book is a report of what the authors learned about those families, with some comparisons to other societies with similar practices.

A fundamentalist Mormon plural marriage includes one husband and two or more wives. This is commonly called "polygamy" but is more correctly polygyny, since there are no plural marriages with more than one husband. About 2/3 of plural marriages are one husband and two wives. Frequently two or more wives are sisters. Most plural marriage families are in the middle to lower-middle socioeconomic class, with few members holding professional or managerial jobs. The combination of large numbers of children, middling job skills and the necessity of avoiding persecution places a great strain on the financial resources of many such families.

The addition of a wife to a family ideally occurs with the approval of the new wife's parents, the existing wife or wives in the family, and relevant church leaders. In the rural group, however, some marriages are arranged by the church leaders, perhaps to provide for a widow. In some cases, the addition of a wife is initiated by women who want to become family and so persuade the husband to go along. Failure to achieve consensus before a marriage can produce family turmoil, perhaps leading to divorce.

Weddings are generally officiated by church leaders, and are marriages between the husband and the individual wife. The other wives in a family may take part in the ceremony, but they are not considered to be directly wed to the new wife.

Each wife has a strong bond with her husband, while bonds between the wives are generally weaker. Most wives give each other mutual support, but some have conflicted relationships. The husband is expected to be fair and treat each wife equally; failure to do so sometimes leads to counseling by church leaders or even divorce. Often family members turn to their religious faith to sustain them through periods of family conflict. There is an expectation that the husband's patriarchal authority can be used to settle disagreements that can't be negotiated.

Normally, each wife has her own living space, whether a room or an entire house, where she is sovereign. In some cases two or more wives share a house but have their own rooms. The husband generally rotates among these homes by some arrangement, with the rotation system varying between families. Most husbands have little or no space of their own.

Child care practices vary between families. Most expect each child's mother to have primary responsibility for raising the child, but the actual work is frequently shared among wives in ways that adapt to changing circumstances. Many families house teenagers in shared rooms segregated by sex, with younger children kept closer to their mother. In most families the father has substantially less involvment with his children than does the mother.

Most husbands celebrate the anniversary of their marriage to each wife, generally by doing something special and personal with her. Relatively few holidays bring the entire family together for a celebration; in the largest families, this would be a major undertaking. Common family celebrations are Thanksgiving, Christmas and father's birthday. Several fundamentalist families decline to celebrate Christmas on the grounds that it has become too commercial.

Most plural wives must work, apparently out of economic necessity. A few have their own businesses. Although the husband is the nominal patriarch, most plural wives see less of their husband than a monogamous wife would and most are therefore independent and self-reliant. However, the husband is expected to be there when needed.

Both researchers are male, and most of the interviews were arranged through husbands. In fact, men were in practical control of the interview process with a few minor exceptions. It is interesting to speculate on what might come out if women were to interview plural wives in the absence of any men.

He does an excellent of job discussing much madness that is critical to understand our world today. There are chapters on Ponzi Schemes, The Florida Land Boom, Soccor, Lotteries, Musical Madness, and an issue seemingly always threatening our world: War. The exploration of cults is especially important in my opinion because Charles MacKay refused to discuss religous madness in the origional book.

Even the chapters that don't seem as relevant to us today: Invaders From Mars (which discusses the famous Orson Welles "War Of The Worlds" broadcast), The Destruction Of The Xhosas, Dowsing, and Perpetual Motion are still critical for understanding how absurd crowds can get.

I especially enjoyed the part of the book that focused on the Tulipmania and a similar madness that went on in the same country just a hundred years later. (Proving that people often do not learn important lessons, even if separated by just a couple generations.) The great thing is that these manias have about 40 pages dedicated to them whereas in the origional book, the Tulipmania only had about 9 pages concerning it. It's a facinating topic and I don't think its too far removed from us as just a few years ago I remember some pundits referring to the "Internetmania", which might be written about in the next sequel a hundred years from now.

We should all realize "There is nothing new under the sun, that which has been will be." We can then begin to open our eyes and realize that things just as strange as these cooky events from the past are going on all around us even if we don't realize it.