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One reply is that the proposition "God cannot be detected with the five senses, therefore it's unlikely he exists" is self-refuting, since the proposition cannot itself be detected with the five senses. Propositions are abstract entities with no physical location in space, not the physical marks on paper that express them. The sentence-token "God cannot be detected with the five senses, therefore it's unlikely he exists" can be written in Chinese, Russian, German and other languages that "express" the same proposition as the one written in English. So this form of crude empiricism fails to satisfy the very foundation the claims rests on. Another reply is that God has made his existence sufficiently clear for those seeking him with an open heart and mind, yet sufficiently vague for those seeking to reject him. So God's apparent reluctance to make himself visible is just God not being coercive.
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I found Boyarin's historical/cultural analysis less convincing, at least in part because his goal seems to shift. At some points in the book, he seems to be saying only that nascent Judaism and nascent Christianity were not always in utter opposition to each other, did not always view the other as "heresy," and that in fact they were often quite in sympathy, as they worshipped the same God and refused the hegemony of the pagan Roman state. There may have been (and likely were) "sects" that borrowed from both religions but which both religions would (in their "final" orthodox form) disavow. (As acknowledged in a footnote, the historical evidence for this "middle ground" is barely touched on in this volume, however. (202, n.89)) I have no quarrel with this conclusion, and indeed it is amply demonstrated throughout the book.
At times, however, Boyarin seems to want to go farther, suggesting that through the third (or, at times, even the fourth) century, Judaism and Christianity "were not yet at all clearly differentiated from each other." (17) This does not seem consistent with the fact that he cites texts from the third and even the second century as being peculiarly Christian or peculiarly Jewish, nor with his insistence that while something called "Christianity" was persecuted by the Romans, something called "Judaism" was not (although certain of its practices were forbidden). If Boyarin's point is simply that boundaries between cultural groups are fuzzy, that seems to me to be almost a truism. There are Jews for Jesus today, but that does not mean that Judaism and Christianity are not clearly differentiated.
This is a scholarly work intended for scholars, although it can be read and appreciated by a reasonably well-educated non-scholar with some basic knowledge of late antiquity, early Christianity and early Judaism (like me). Half of the book is endnotes and bibliography, which can be a terrible distraction from the main text (particularly on the many pages with 5 or 6 footnotes). Although I was not persuaded by all of his arguments, Boyarin writes well and clearly and lays out the evidence for the reader to evaluate for himself. Although this is not a history of martyrdom (or even a history of how Christianity and Judaism used their discussions of martyrdom to differentiate themselves), it will be of interest to anyone who wants to know more about this early, formative period of two of the great modern religions.
Be prepared though for extensive reading. The complete set is very large, but shouldn't be an obstacle for those with a passion for both general and obscure history!
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In essay on the resumption of history, Bell clears away much of the underbrush that has grown up around the notion of "global capitalism" by pointing out that the end of empire (and that includes the Soviet Union) and the colonial era has had the largest impact on world politics over the past forty years. The reignition of various ethnic groups whose identities had been suppressed under various Uber states and ideologies is just as important a part of the story. The 1975 introduction is a fascinating refutation of his, mostly Marxist, critics. For instance, C. Wright Mills, the maverick sociologist, apparently came after Bell for his review of Mills' "The Power Elite" (included in "The End of Idelogy"). Bell neatly dissects Mills' both in the essay and in his answer to Mills' criticisms. Bell, the empiricist, is the clear winner in these two rounds. The last chapter on Marxism is worth re-reading and re-reading for Bell knows the subject and the players intimately, as only a former boy Socialist born in New York's Lower East Side could. He explains how Marx's transmutation of Hegel's ideas into "dialectical materialism" set the stage for generations of leftist intellectuals to misinterpret or reinterpret events into Marxist prattle according to their understanding or lack of understanding thereof. It's a post-graduation education on Marxism in 35 dense, but, brilliant pages.
Two juicy chapters on the American "mafia" and the inflation of crime statistics and the stoking of public fear by law enforcement, although somewhat dated contain some remarkable insights: among them that the "mafia," like American business in general had to move from "production" to the "consumption" mode, i.e., turning toward the consumer to make money through gambling, and away from more traditional, less lucrative businesses such as prostitution. These two articles, written when he covered the labor beat for Fortune magazine, still have an edge now, as the same "crime wave" and "mafia" hysteria continue to be generated by the media and law enforcement.
Bell's wide-ranging knowledge, his clear-eyed appraisal of the American scene, his tenacity in trying to discover the real levers of power, are qualities one rarely finds in this era where shouting and sloganeering still suffice -- although much of this now comes not from the left-hand side of the spectrum, but the right.
Much of what sustained the old "urban progressivism" which, despite its flaws, was a force for much positive social change in the US, has largely disappeared. Bell predicted conditions peculiar to American society combined with trends like the steady decline in labor union membership, the steady progress of workplace automation and, even then, the emergence of mass electronic communications would make humans less willing to accept the singular utopian pronouncements of what he called "millennial" movements. Instead, ongoing social fragmentation, diversification and conflict would make coping with major socioeconomic problems along traditional "party" lines unrealistic if not impossible.
Given the persisting belief among many that traditional "government" is failing us and the continued rise and influence of vocal, single-interest splinter groups with considerable access to a variety of media--despite their familiar revolutionary noises--it is hard to disagree. There is much Bell couldn't have foreseen given his vantage point at the very end of the placid 1950s, but his perceptive yet readable critique of our traditional way of looking at many of our pressing social issues and our political history still has a compelling, hopeful freshness, its basis being, as he had said himself, "is that the present belongs to the living."
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