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Professor Graff's short study of the life of Grover Cleveland (1837-1908) fulfills the aim of the series. The book consists of a brief biography of Cleveland and covers his youth, his public (and some of his private) life before he became president, his two presidencies, and his life in retirement. The accomplishments of each of his two terms are summarized, if briefly.
As do most writers who have studied Cleveland, Professor Graff finds his strength in his integrity and common sense. He was able to persuade his fellow Americans, both before and during his presidency of his honesty. Cleveland was a President without charisma and an uninspiring public speaker. He regretted his entire life his lack of a college education, and his career shows something of a discomfort with new ideas or new approaches. Yet, he was able to turn these traits, together with his own strengths into advantages. He proved a capable and inspiring President.
Professor Graff does not engage in hero-worship. If anything, I thought that he somewhat undervalued Cleveland and his accomplishment. He describes some aspects of Cleveland's presidencies which seem to run counter to the picture of Cleveland as a reformer and as given to complete probity and openness.(For examples, Graff discusses the abrupt dismissals of many Republican civil servants at the outset of his terms and the secret operation on Cleveland's jaw which was held on a ship offshore to conceal it from the public at the beginning of Cleveland's second term.) Yet Graff finds much to admire in Cleveland in his hard work, acknolwedgement of his illegitimate child, financial probity, and Civil Service reform. Graff praises Cleveland for his refusal to support the annexation of Hawaii when its queen was overthrown under dubious circumstances. Cleveland restored public faith in government at a time when it was sorely lacking. I think he was the first President who could be desribed as attempting to govern by principles that he believed were both "conservative" and "compassionate." In this he is an inspiration whose goals, if not all his specific decisions, could be followed and expanded upon.
This is not a complete study of Grover Cleveland but it succeeds well in giving the reader a sense of his accomplishment. The reader who wants to learn more might read Allan Nevins', "Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage" (1944) which remains the standard biography of Cleveland.
Following the Panic of '83, the public lost confidence in the efficacy of paper money. Cleveland believed the only solution to the restoration of prosperity was to place the country on a gold standard.
Cleveland's anti-imperialist stance would dismay many who promote the U.S. as the Hall Monitor of the World, clinging to the imperishable ideal of the Declaration that all men have the right to self-government. He was outraged to hear how the rulers of Hawaii were overthrown and replaced with a rump democracy. He attempted to undo the wrong wrought by forcible intervention. For Cleveland it was "the only honourable course for our government to pursue."
His words should be carved above some door to the Pentagon, or the Department of Defense:
"The United States," he wrote, "can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation."
Why did Hawaii hope for the restoration of self-sovereignty? Because "she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the United States." Someone in those scattered islands must have read the same texts the beleaguered pro-democracy students in China read when they erected a crude facsimile of the Statue of Liberty in Tianmanen Square. Too bad they were kicked in the teeth.
He opposed and vetoed bills that would have provided federal handouts for numerous groups and individuals, some deserving, most bogus. But he was not blind to a "widening gulf between employers and employed. His concern was not a squishy "kinder, gentler" budget-increasing type.
Anticipating the Encyclical Rerum Novarum of Pope Leo XI, and Laborem Exercens of Pope John Paul II, he wrote that "Communism is a hateful thing . . . but the communism of combined wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity and selfishness, is not less dangerous."
He was an honorable man when honor in a public office was scorned. Democrats and Republicans take heed.
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Essentially, what Herman seeks to do is to point out similarities between the various historical theories he groups as "declinism"--the doctrine that Western civilization faces unavoidable collapse, due to racial degeneracy, technology and capitalism, or some dark psychological force. For example, Herman draws a squiggly yet definite line between the "volkish" racial philosophers of 19th century Europe and the multiculturalist scribblers of today (who, ironically, rail against Eurocentrism).
Another common theme is the use of both one possibility and its opposite as proof for the same thing (referred to by the Frankfurt School as "dialectics" and known to plain-speaking folks as "horses**t"). Intellectual dishonesty, fitting facts to the theory--it's hard to come away from this book without feeling some new contempt for people like the Adams brothers, or Sartre, or the "Afrocentrist" grifters.
This work reminded me of other intellectual follies-type books by Paul Hollander and Paul Johnson, although here the focus is on the subjects' main ideas rather than their political idiocy or personal failings. The influence of the philosopher Karl Popper is very apparent here--Herman has praised him elsewhere. In all, this work is another testament to the unique sort of silliness that can emanate from very intelligent people. My only complaint is that Herman doesn't discuss some other latter-day pessimists--Robert Bork and Robert Kaplan, for example--who may or may not fit easily into his selected categories of thought.
Still, the issue of decline won't go away, if only because nothing lasts forever. But the latter is not an historical thesis or theory, and it is false to say that decline is inevitable, let alone that some invigorating barbarism will renew our esthetics. So far from being an aberration the Enlightenment brought into being a new age of history, and to foresee decline, and this unconsciously willed as some perverse progress, bespeaks only the idiotic epigone of Nietzche. Herman makes this basic point in a fashion that might not sit well with the mystique of the Spenglerian horde. As for Toynbee, his mechanics of history simply cannot deal with the facts of the rise of the West or its significance in any intelligent way, as if the author stepped from some medieval monastery to be appalled at the end times in the birth of freedom. Let's hope we don't go down fighting against this tide of willed self-destruction which seems attractive to the enemies of the Enlightenment. A bit 'thinktankish', but a useful work.
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The weather was building, but the captain felt almost no concern at all. His freighter was no ordinary ship, and the hurricane season was past. Surely, he was facing no more than a fall gale in tropical waters.
What he was actually facing was one of the most powerful ocean storms ever recorded. By Wednesday, the ship was experiencing a full hurricane. On Thursday, the barometer would fall to 26.99 mb and the winds would be blowing 200 knots. That's when the horror began. During the ensuing days, the wind and the sea were about to perform feats no living sailor had ever seen before. Read this book!
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Good luck.
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The author had Sherlock Holmes killed but public demand was so high for further adventures that we find him back in action. Determined to have a permanent retirement, Sherlock Holmes moves into a small farm and dedicates himself to other matters, refusing to offer his intellectual ability to the government. With World War I approaching he backs up on this determination and his return into action is narrated in "His Last Bow." The cases range from theft, burglary, kidnapping, to murder, and in all of the them Sherlock Holmes is a master in the science of deduction and analysis.
By those considered expert "Sherlockians," this is not Holmes at his best and certainly not as good as his masterpiece "The Hound of the Baskervilles."
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The real eye opener for me in reading this book is the extent to which the FBI was willing to use a citizen to obtain information, regardless of the cost to that person, and the willingness of 'Comrad' Herb to allow himself to be used - at what cost to his wife and family he never fully reports. That someone was willing for years to live a secret life (secret even from his wife!) to help the FBI prosecute a group of deluded political extremists is a pretty sad statement of misplaced family values.
Of course, it is important to note that his years as (1) average citizen, (2) communist party member and (3) counterspy for the FBI, allowed him afterwards to have a decades long career promoting his book, making speeches and appearing before various anticommunist groups. So maybe it was all worth it to him.
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This is a text written before that fateful discovery, and as such does not have the benefit of the Incompleteness Theorem to flesh out the ideas. As such, most of the material is wanting, at best, to the contemporary reader of mathematics. Adding to this the fact that the communication of mathematical ideas has tremendously changed in the intervening years, and the result is a text that, though one day had great significance, today seems like a much faded phtotgraph from a by-gone era.
Maybe this makes the text interesting in itself. However, those readers that wish for a current look at mathematical thought, and an introduction to the philosophy of mathematics may be best served by looking elsewhere.
Like anything Russell wrote, it is a pleasure to read - his writing style is wonderful, and quite extraordinary when one realises how quickly he wrote this book (in prison, too!), but I suspect that for many readers the mathematical content will prove a little tricky to grasp.
As a historical document, it is fascinating; as an introduction to mathematical philosophy it is too narrow-minded for 1999.
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voice on answering machine said it was Baboo Ababoo??
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A mildly successful lawyer with modest ambitions, he would have remained obscure except for extraordinary luck. He became mayor of Buffalo in 1881 when frustrated Republican reformers joined Democrats in seeking an honest candidate. No prominent figure wanted the low paying, slightly disreputable position, so it fell to Cleveland. A year later he became governor of New York when Republicans self-destructed by choosing an unpopular candidate, and Democratic frontrunners stalemated, forcing the party to pick a dark horse. Soon after assuming office, Cleveland won the approval of Samuel Tilden, still the dominant figure in the party. Luck continued to bless Cleveland, not only making him a presidential candidate after two years as governor but providing the slightly disreputable James G. Blaine as an opponent. A reputation for honesty made the difference in the close election of 1884.
The first Democratic president since the Civil War, Cleveland receives credit for leading his party back into the mainstream, but this is arguable because Democrat Tilden, not Rutherford B. Hayes, probably won the disputed 1876 election. Many writers complain that Cleveland's reputation suffers because he faced no great national crisis, but this is anachronism. Americans always believe they are undergoing a national crisis (aren't we undergoing one now?).
1880s America was tormented by a chronic agricultural depression, bitter labor disputes, rage against trusts and railroads, and rising fury at political corruption. Leaders of post-Civil War Democrats opposed social reform as stubbornly as Republicans but had less objection to honest government. Cleveland's first administration reinforced his reputation. He reorganized and reformed executive departments, vetoed many private and pork-barrel bills as well as any law that smacked of social reform. Certain that monetary policy and the tariff held the keys to prosperity, both parties devoted far too much energy to these issues that now seem arcane. Cleveland shared this obsession, but he was never an activist. His single major legislative effort, at tariff reform, failed because he considered it beneath him to lobby Congress. Attacks on his tariff policy contributed to the narrow defeat by Benjamin Harrison in 1888.
Then luck returned: a slump in 1890 doomed Harrison to a single term. Cleveland easily gained renomination in 1892; Democrats won in a landslide, controlling Congress for the first time in a generation. There are eerie parallels with Wilson's Democratic sweep in 1912 and FDR's in 1932, but those administrations were led by great presidents.
As Cleveland entered office again, the slump had become a depression. Growing populist, farmer, and labor movements poured out plenty of helpful suggestions which merely made Cleveland and party leaders nervous. They worried most about a weakening currency and social disorder. One legislative act, repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, enjoyed support among both parties. Cleveland demonstrated uncharacteristic energy in lobbying, but passage produced no noticeable effect. Nowadays everyone condemns Cleveland's attack on the pitiful Coxey's army of unemployed (a foretaste of Hoover and the Bonus Marchers during the next depression). We also fault him for crushing the Pullman strike, but contemporary editorials and the middle-class electorate generally approved.
In the 1896 Democratic convention, reformers easily swept to power and nominated Bryan. Cleveland considered this an irresponsible aberration and supported McKinley. It wasn't an aberration; the old conservative leadership never regained power, nor did the fractious Democrats until 1912. Cleveland was the last Democratic president who embodied nineteenth century Jeffersonian ideals (minimalist government, opposition to social legislation). Hoover was the last Republican Jeffersonian.
Great presidents demonstrate qualities such as vision, compassion, imagination, and energy in exercising power. None of these were in Cleveland's repertoire. A solid, honest, nonreforming leader, he belongs in the upper ranks of second-rate presidents.
American history buffs should collect every volume in the fine American President series, short biographies by mostly eminent writers (Robert Remini on John Quincy Adams is the best I've read so far). Like the subject, this biography is competent. Historian Graff tells the story of Cleveland's life, leaning over backward to find nice things to say without exaggerating his accomplishments. Allan Nevins' 1944 opus is probably the definitive biography, but it's long in the tooth and perhaps also too long for the nonspecialist. Readers looking for the best single volume work will find a lively and opinionated account in Horace Samuel Merrill's Bourbon Leader: Grover Cleveland (Little, Brown, 1957).