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In 1787, advocates of ratification of the federal constitution argued that without it, they Union would dissolve. Their vision of American Union was, as Dirck puts it (I paraphrase here), one of impersonal association, a community of strangers. Their opponents, the Antifederalists/Republicans, doubted that the Federalists' apocalyptic rhetoric accurately described reality, because the Antifederalists could not imagine that mere breakdown of the Articles of Confederation would destroy the America they knew in their hearts. They were at times downright blase' about the problems the Federalists perceived in the 1780s because of their sanguine faith in American nationality.
As Dirck shows, Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis had essentially the same understandings of America: Lincoln, the Federalist, and Davis, the Antifederalist. It makes for a very engaging argument, and one that will be of great use for undergraduate teaching.
The only shortcomings of the book come at the very end, where Dirck says that Davis laid the ground for the idea that blacks were depraved and inferior by depicting the Yankees (that is, northern whites) that way. (p. 239) I for one find it unconvincing that anti-black sentiment had its origins in anti-white propaganda. Secondly, he says that Davis' statement that the United States had set upon a policy in which "no quarter is to be given and no sex to be spared" had an innovative "sexual" undertone. (pp. 238-39) Yet, Davis' claim certainly was not innovative, but was a paraphrase of a claim Thomas Jefferson had made about the British king in the Declaration of Independence (Jefferson claimed that George had sicced the Indians, whose rule of war knew no discrimination of age or sex, upon the Americans). These are minor objections, however, and the book certainly repays a careful perusal.
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The book begins with an overview of the system of Indian administration as it had developed by 1860. It was dominated by the political spoils system and by corruption resulting from the power accorded to the Indian agents. As a master of the art of pragmatic politics, Lincoln used the system -- as he needed to do--to hold the Union together-resulting in tragedy for too many of our country's Indian wards.
The book discusses the Five Civilized Tribes of Oklahoma (then Indian territory) and their relationship to both the Union and the Confederacy. The story picks up focus, though, in the discussion of the Minnesota Sioux rebellion, the summary trials and capital sentences of over 300 Sioux Indians, and Lincoln's remission of the death sentence in all but 39 cases. Nichols tells this story well, perhaps giving Lincoln's actions less credit and less courage than they may deserve.
The book discusses Lincoln's attempts in 1862 to reform Indian policy, which were defeated by War exegencies and by Congressional inaction.He discusses a famous meeting held between Lincoln and the Indian chiefs in 1863 in the White House, again perhaps undervaluing Lincoln's intentions and the difficulties he faced.
He discusses the policy resulting from the Sioux war of concentrating the Indians under the control of the military with unsuccessful and inhumane results in Arizona and New Mexico. The book also includes an account of the too little known Sand Hill Massacre in Colorado in 1864.
The treatment of the American Indians does not constitute one of our nation's or of President Lincoln's prouder accomplishments. Professor Nichols is correct that this story deserves to be known as part of our history. The book ties Lincoln's treatment of the Indians to prevailing ideologies at the time involving a disprespect of cultural differences, to westward expansion, industrialization, the political patronage system, and, first and foresmost, the Civil War. Even Nichols appears to acknowledge that given the War, there was little that might have been done differently at the time in the way of systematic reform.
As is unfortunately the case with most histories of Indian affairs, it is easier, as Nichols does, to find a great deal of deserved fault than it is to develop answers, as he does not. This book is still worth reading as a good history of Indian affairs during the Civil War era.
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Holzer's study of Lincoln's public image in iconography and language is logically divided into thematic chapters. In his study of the comtemporary visual iconography of Abraham Lincoln, Holzer examines images of Lincoln as the Great Emancipator and as the Commander in Chief. He also analyses images of Lincoln's assissination and compares prints of Lincoln and the Confederacy's Jefferson Davis. In his discussion of Lincoln's language. Holzer addresses Lincoln's impromtu oratory as well as his two most famous texts, the Emancipation Proclamation and the Gettysburg Address. Holzer's book is well-balanced and richly documented. Very readable, this book should interest both historical scholars and general readers.
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