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This book provides a look into what native american culture was really like, and gives background into the English/French conflict into Quebec. Based on real people's lives, the book is well researched (make sure you read the footnotes!) and easy to read. Once you're about halfway through the book you won't be able to put it down.
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The topic was the upper class society of New York during the time period of The Age of Innocence by Edith Wharton. I, not a great lover of history, found the book wonderfully written to not only provide me with the facts and statistics that I knew I would find in a book written with a research theme in mind, but also to entertain me with clear, logical writing that could be understood on any level.
Just to sum up the content, the book explains the historical background of the political and social scene prior to the 19th century and then launches into a detailed and analyzed text on not only the upper class and how it played a role in the political structure of a newly forming New York City, but also an in-depth dissection on the social trends and habits of the upper class outside the political scene.
While the topic may be quite specific and this book is truly only recommended to those unique history buffs of 19th century New York City or a student writing on a relevant topic, for anyone needing information on upper class New York or the old political scene, I highly recommend the book.
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While it may have appeared that Lincoln was politically dormant in the early 50s, his behind-the-scenes political activity became obvious when he became a key anti-Nebraska activist in 1854. As a Whig, Lincoln lost a very close contest in the Illinois legislature for the U.S. Senate (legislatures elected senators in that era). From 1854 to 1856 it had become obvious that both the Whigs and the upstart Know-Nothings could not deal with the slavery issue, which led to their demise. By 1856 Lincoln had finished second in the running for the Vice-Presidential nomination at the first national Republican convention, and in the process had firmly established himself as a leading Republican in Illinois.
It was the continued Kansas crisis and the Dred Scott Supreme Court decision in March of 1857 and the reactions to them that put Lincoln on the national stage. The court decision had affirmed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in the Kansas-Nebraska Act under a principle of Congressional non-intervention in territories. But Senator Stephen Douglas contended that his doctrine of popular sovereignty continued to hold. Both Lincoln and most Republicans found the indifference or neutrality of popular sovereignty to the spread of slavery to be repugnant. Thus began a series of exchanges and seven formal debates between Douglas and Lincoln before the elections of 1858.
As a senator from mostly anti-slavery Illinois, Douglas had been forced, at the end of 1857, to denounce the machinations of the proslavery element in Kansas in trying to force their constitution on a mostly slave-free territory. In a shrewd and unprecedented political move, Illinois Republicans nominated Lincoln for the U. S. Senate to counter the infatuation of Eastern Republicans with the newly recreated Douglas. Lincoln fired the first shot in the senatorial campaign with his famous "House Divided" speech where he insisted that a nation divided over slavery could not stand.
One of the more controversial ideas that emerged from the debates was Douglas' Freeport Doctrine. In skirting Lincoln's question of whether territorial legislatures could exclude slavery, Douglas claimed that such a legislature's failure to pass laws that favorably policed slavery was tantamount to formally excluding it. The Democratic illusion that non-intervention and popular sovereignty were benignly equivalent had been exploded. According to the author "Southerners could see the walls closing in on them, and the defection of Douglas vividly dramatized the growing isolation of slave society." Ignoring Dred Scott, the South began to insist on the enactment of positive slave codes for the explicit protection of slavery in territories.
Lincoln narrowly lost the senatorial contest in Illinois in 1858, but the issue of slavery had been discussed on the national stage, as it never had been before. While Lincoln had asked the hard questions about slavery, he remained a moderate in Republican circles, and, as such, perhaps the only Republican that could have been elected President in 1860. It is clear that Lincoln had no intention of attacking the institution of slavery in the South. The Southern demand for slave codes applicable to territories was simply irrational given the fact that it was generally agreed upon that no territories were even suitable for slavery. It is most clear from reading this book that had the extremists of the South permitted Lincoln to exercise the fundamental decency and strength of character that he had, that there would have been no reason to precipitate the destruction of an entire way of life.
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Prostatitis (inflammation and or infection in the prostate) can make a man miserable. Benign Prostate Hyperplasia (BPH), better known as enlarged prostate, affects most men eventually and accounts for one of the most frequent reasons of surgery on men each year. Finally, prostate cancer is one of the leading causes of death in men.
All of these subjects and more are handled deftly by Dr. Morganstern and Dr. Abrahams, who have written a book that is easy to understand and emminently useful. If you are looking for answers and resources this is the book to get. Even if you are already seeing a urologist, you need this book!
If you are having problems with your prostate, or want to learn what to do to prevent them, or are a concerned partner wanting to help and support the man in your life, I highly recommend this book.
As a man who has suffered from untreated prostatitis and middle lobe hypertrophy, I wholeheartedly endorse this book. It may save your sanity and could certainly save your life.
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Jackson wrote about his visit to Isfahan and meeting some Zoroastrians thus: "I found that, although there were some six of them [Zoroastrians] doing business in the bazaar, only three resided regularly in Isfahan; the rest were Gabars [or Guebres] from Yezd. I have designated them as Gabars after the native fashion, but this term is derogatory, being equivalent to 'unbelievers', and is never employed by the Zoroastrians themselves. They designate themselves as Zardustíán, 'Zoroastrians', and sometimes as Bah-Dínán, 'those of the Good Religion' or Fársís, i.e., 'from Fars' or 'Pars' of the old province of Persia Proper. As for the name 'Fire-Worshipper [Atash-Parast]', the Zoroastrians in Persia as well as in India object to that title."
"As regards their dress, moreover, the Zoroastrians have always been obliged to adopt a style that would distinguish them from the Mohammedans, and it is only within the last ten years that they could wear any color except yellow, gray or brown, and the wearing of white stockings, spectacles or rings was long interdicted. The use of spectacles and eye-glasses, and the privilege of carrying an umbrella, have been allowed only within the same decade, and even now the Gabars are not permitted to ride in the streets or to make use of the public baths."
When Jackson asked the Zoroastrians at Yezd to be shown their religious books, they told him that all remaining important religious books and manuscripts had been sent to Bombay for safekeeping. They ascribed much of the loss of their sacred books to the persecution following the Islamic conquests. "The Zoroastrians who dwell within the city [of Yezd] are largely occupied in trading. This privilege was not accorded to them until about fifty years ago, and they are even now subject to certain restrictions and exactions to which no Mohammedan would be liable. They are not allowed, for instance, to sell food in the bazaars, inasmuch as that would be an abomination in the eyes of the Moslems, who regard them as unbelievers and therefore unclean. Until 1882 they were oppressed by the jazía tax, a poll tax imposed upon them as non-believers, and this gave an opportunity for grinding them down by extortionate assessments and trading-tolls. The jazía was finally repealed by Shah Nasr ud-Din, who issued a firman [royal decree] to that effect September 27, 1882."
Jackson left Yezd on 13 May 1903 and reached Teheran on 19th May 1903. At Teheran Jackson did extensive research on the ancient Zoroastrian city of Rei [or Ragha], a suburb of Tehran. At Rei stands the ruins of the most ancient dokhmah situated on a hill and constructed according to all the requirements of the Vendidad canon, i.e., that it should be on a hill, far from human habitation, but accessible to corpse-eating birds and animals.
The language in Jackson's book does not seem dated and together with illustrations of black and white pictures it makes very interesting reading indeed. The author traces Persian history from Cyrus the Great to the Shahs. He describes the peoples he meets along his journey and their culture. Jackson describes in detail the town of Urumiah, the early home of Zarathustra. There he discovers the church of Mart Mariam where one of the three Magi, who travelled from Persia to witness the birth of Jesus Christ, is said to be buried. I would unhesitatingly recommend this book to anyone searching for his/her Zoroastrians roots.