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"Lights Out" is typical of Abrahams' free flowing easy to read style and the length of this book, and infact most of his books, allow for a good 5 to 6 hour read.
The juxtaposition of past and present in this novel is handled immaculately and the ending, although surprising, isn't so difficult to rationalize.
The character of Eddie Nye is well created, gets the reader's sympathy, and I could imagine a movie of this book with the lead being played by one of our better young actors. I hope that will happen.
I thoroughly enjoyed this book. I am eagerly looking forward to "The Tutor".
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Rather than lambaste the reader with a litany of politics, the book follows the slightly bizarre, but highly symbolic life of an Israeli family as they attempt to find the Wife's lover - a lapsed Jew from France who returned seeking an inheritance.
The story is unpretentious and surprisingly readable. The author's style is to present each new chapter through the voice of a different character, often retelling the same events from several perspectives.
Through these perspectives - a wealthy secular mechanic, a conflicted rebellious teenage girl, an aging zionist intellectual wife, an elderly native sephardic, a ambitious intelligent palestinian boy, and ultimately through the story of the Lover himself - Yehoshua uncovers the complex stuff that constitutes a very strangely formed nation.
Nuanced, delightfully blasphemous accounts of Zionism like this one are not permitted to be spoken here in the US - but of course in Israel, sophisticated debates about the nature of their society are part and parcel of intellectual life.
Enjoy this book. I give it my highest recommendation.
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The rest of the book is dedicated to dynamical systems, including a fac-simile of a paper of Kolmogorov. However, the topics could be trated with less fuss (as, for example, in the marvellous little and sadly out-of-print book of David Ruelle).
All necessary background is self-contained. However, the book is difficult and I would not recommend it as a first learning text. For that I would send you to Frankel's _The Geometry of Physics_.
Photographs of mathematicians from Gauss and Legendre right up to the most venerable living mathematicians are included in a picture gallery at the front of the book. This is excellent.
The book requires as a beginning, all the material regarding the Hamiltonian and Lagrangian formulations of mechanics - which means you won't have a clue about what the book is saying until you have got somewhat beyond the second year at university. Then the authors start discussing topology, and the ideas which are necessary to re-formulate ideas in quite different clothing. This is very hard - the reader really needs to know about very hard mathematics. Ideas about point set topology are essential because the subject matter encompasses chaotic behaviour and the many body problem. Newtons equations (and this surprises many people) lead to large systems of non-linear equations - and the general theory of the solution of such systems leads almost inevitably to poincare point sets, winding numbers, and so forth. The theory of integral operators (see Kranoselsky, et al) has long been couched in these terms.
Get this by all means, and prepare to have a hard journey ahead.
I should mention that many parts of the book are quite readable and the authors go out of their way to reach the reader as far as possible.
It's actually a physically large book, it would be probably better to get the hard back edition if it's available.
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Cox begins her study with an investigation of Lincoln's own personal beliefs about emancipation, black suffrage, equal rights, and the creation a biracial society. Despite some historians who had recently questioned his dedication to abolition and egalitarianism, Cox convincingly portrays Lincoln as equally committed to the Radicals' goals while transcending their limited ability to understand that politics is "the art of the possible."
While regional politicians such as Thaddeus Stevens had the luxury of being able to unequivocally condemn the South and her peculiar institution, Lincoln knew that his obligation as President required a message of conciliation, leading rather than pushing towards egalitarian goals that could be reasonably achieved as the opportunity presented itself and in a manner consistent with legal and political norms.
Lincoln was passionately and publicly opposed to slavery. But he was equally concerned with the preservation of the union and adhering to the Constitution. Cox's many assertions that Lincoln was cautious in his maneuvering while consistent in his beliefs are backed by scores of examples taken from Lincoln's own words of instruction. These words, of necessity, may have been privately conveyed, but they were no less uncompromising in their message that the Union must be preserved while slavery must be destroyed.
One of many examples Cox employs to illustrate this point is the action of James McKaye, Lincoln's liaison to the Freedman's Inquiry Commission. The group outlined a plan for dealing with former slaves that would later serve as the model for "Radical Reconstruction" based on citizenship, suffrage, and landownership. Even amongst radicals of the day such as Charles Sumner, McKaye was the most progressive member. Although Lincoln did not lead the group or outline their objectives, Cox reminds the reader that it would be atypical of Lincoln to allow a subordinate such as McKaye to act without first consulting the President.
The core of LaWanda Cox's work is a review and reinterpretation of Lincoln's attempt at Reconstruction in Louisiana prior to his death in 1865. Because Lincoln did not view the Presidency as a endowment to act upon his own beliefs-a view that is reinforced by his moderation in forming executive policies while pressing local officials to be more progressive, such examples as the Louisiana "experiment" may serve as the best model for understanding Lincoln's true intentions for Reconstruction as well as his personal beliefs about black freedom.
Cox joins most historians in acknowledging that Lincoln's first priority in the struggle to reconstruct former rebel states was to aid the Union cause. The Ten Percent Plan was intended to quickly create a "rallying point" for southern loyalists while delivering the Confederacy an important psychological defeat. But Cox examines in great detail the behind the scenes actions of President Lincoln in assuring that the Louisiana government abolish slavery, and if possible, enfranchise black males with the right to vote.
Lincoln was concerned about the permanent legal status of persons emancipated under a wartime proclamation. He knew that the only guarantee against a reverse of the freedman's status was for the states themselves to abolish slavery in their constitutions. He ordered his military governor, Nathaniel Banks, to quickly hold elections and create such a constitution. Lincoln was sure that the Republican Congress would surely ratify such a document, setting a precedent for readmission that would require permanent emancipation before the elections of 1864 would give the Democrats the opportunity to interfere.
The resulting elections and constitutional convention did result in a relatively progressive government in Louisiana by February 1864. In fact, the new constitution not only outlawed slavery but also included equality before the law. Its framers were open to gradual black suffrage. As Cox illustrates, Lincoln used his powers of influence and patronage to prod the fledgling government into accepting these provisions. Unfortunately, a controversy arose over the readmission of the new government that all but destroyed its legitimacy after the Republican Congress denied its petition.
The conflict erupted from the fallout of an ugly campaign that resembled a soap opera more than a free election. The contest for governor pitted Governor Banks' candidate, Michael Hahn, against Free State Committee leader Thomas Durant. Although there was no essential matter of principle that divided the two men or their followers, (both were committed to abolition and to the idea of extending civil rights to blacks but were hesitant about immediate suffrage) governor Bank's un-Lincolnian style of management by force and Congress' distrust of Lincoln's methods such as military occupation caused Durant and his followers to discredit the Louisiana government after losing the election. The tragic irony, as Cox points out, was that the government that Lincoln had engineered through Banks was even more radical than what was Congress outlined in its own wish list, the Wade-Davis Bill.
Cox's final chapter entitled "Reflections on the Limits of the Possible" compares the policies, skills, and beliefs of Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, Ulysses Grant, and the Republican Congress as a whole and explores the great question of what might have been. Her conclusion is that the ten-year battle between Congress and the Executive would have likely been reduced to a discussion of how to achieve the mutually accepted goal of guaranteeing the rights of the freed slaves. The Republican Party, especially in the South, would have benefited by association with the political skill and moderation of Lincoln rather than with the single-minded "Radical Yankee Republicans" of Congress. Had a stronger Republican party taken root, it may have resulted in a viable two party system that would have made the inevitable transition to home rule more agreeable. Yet even Lincoln could not have immediately guaranteed and enforced equal rights for the freedmen because racism was firmly entrenched and the Southern economy offered no assistance. Even the most radical plan of land redistribution failed to provide a means to revive the Southern economy. Even so, Cox provides a compelling argument to support her case that had Lincoln been able to extend his Louisiana program of consent and force, Reconstruction would have been much more successful.
Lawanda Cox in her wonderful book LINCOLN AND BLACK FREEDOM comes down soldly and convincingly on the side of Lincoln as an active agent working for the end of slavery. Cox demonstrates this, amoung other ways, by closly examining Lincoln's policy twords slavery in La, and by examining Lincoln the politician.
Cox almost never misses in her closely argued, complex arguments. For the reader interested in emancipation, the Civil War and especially Abraham Lincoln, the book is a must-read.
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For all practical purposes the original US Republic ended in the Spring 1861 and was recreated after the War with a new character. States Rights including the right to secede were lost in the process.
This book explains how it all happened and why you may feel you live in a high-tax Empire instead of a Republic.
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As remnants of nazism are staging a comeback--the tragic Elian Gonzales raid and kidnapping proves that it has usurped a bridgehead within the highest ranks of the U.S. federal government-- these inspirational souls will forever stand as exemplary beacons for us to assiduously strive to emulate.