This was a deeply informative study with interesting insights.

This book has given me so many different approaches to examine my system and the phosphorylation events involved. this series is always good about specificity of the techniques. for instance, it talks about how to design the best amino acid sequence for testing for phosphorylation with gamma ATP. pick this up whenever you can afford it!

Once I started reading I could not put the book down. It was very informative. I have the 10th edition. I would like to know just how many editions there are in all. I believe it is a collectors item, if so how would I go about finding out just what the value is?

My class and I enjoyed the art in this book. It gives them a black-line master that starts the picture from a famous artist. From there, they finish it with their imagination. It gives you a drawing prompt to get your classes' imagination flowing. My disappointment is that it doesn't give the history of any of the artists or the paintings. It does have the original art printed on the back cover, but it is too small to share with the class. All in all it is a useful book for art activities for the upper grade child.

The last few decades have borught to light a continuing litany of actions that, with hindsight, show the incredible myopia that confronts humanity at certain points in our history. The blinded view of the wider world, the ramifications of our actions, the paranoia and the rfixation that we and society all get caught up in. Our paranoia, or intensity, do not excuse us from acting within the context of our societies and our cultures.

Navajo Afterglow is a compelling reminder of the brutal quality that faceless decisions can have of fellow members of humanity, regardless of how faceless they seem at the time. From Nazi Germany, the Kosovar Albanian concentration camps, lethal environmental contamination, to the lungs of uranium miners, humans have demonstrated a capacity to play god with others' lives.

Every reminder, including the poingniant one in Navajo Afterglow, of the fundamental vulnerability, reliance, and interdependence of all of humanity upon itself and our environment should act as a clarion call for the spirit of society. I greatly enjoyed the Navajo Afterglow.

I bought this book while I was visiting the States this summer, and wanted to bring back something that I could put to use as a youth worker. This book has given me a lot of ideas that I really want to follow up on here in Norway. It gave me inspiration and thoughts on how to proceed in order to help youth through their own interests and resources. However, it does not give an in depth look at methods, and should be viewed as a brief introduction to a variety of different activities that can be adapted and used by proffesionals around the world. It certainly works for me!

I have been looking for this book since 1980. I read it in 7th grade and was fascinated by the relationship btween the boy and the wolf. I HAVE NOT LOCATED IT UNTIL NOW. I WILL READ IT AGAIN TO SEE HOW MUCH I HAVE BEEN ABLE TO RECALL SINCE 7TH GRADE; I DO KNOW IT WAS THE FIRST BOOK OF MY LIFE THAT I READ FROM COVER TO COVER WITHOUT PUTTING IT DOWN! TO THIS DAY, I HAVE A FASCINATION WITH WOLVES AND NATURE AND I AM NOW IN THE FIELD ON CONSERVATION BIOLOGY BECAUSE OF THIS EXACT BOOK! I CAN'T WAIT TO GET A COPY AND READ IT AGAIN AND ADD IT TO MY PRIZE COLLECTION. THANKS FOR HELPING ME LOCATE IT AFTER ALL THESE YEARS!

In the past, we could use Chicago or Philadelphia as models of the urban reality; however, the United States is rapidly becoming a more racially and ethnically diverse nation. The model of this current reality is Los Angeles. "Prismatic Metropolis: Inequality in Los Angeles" addresses questions of how race and ethnicity, space, gender and group identities and attitudes are linked in complex ways that result in divergent opportunities in the population. The editors (Lawrence D. Bobo, Melvin L. Oliver, James H. Johnson Jr. and Abel Valenzuela Jr.) and a distinguished group of younger scholars cover demographic transitions, economic restructuring, residential segregation, and the interplay of group identity, attitudes, and the dynamics of workplace interactions. "Prismatic Metropolis" is an essential starting place for understanding urban society in the 21st Century.

This book elegantly pairs Frost's poems with corresponding photos. Often the poems accompany a two page photo spread. The photography is good, although the image quality on paper isn't fabulous. It's nice to read his poems and have images of New England bring them to life.

Reviewed by NIGEL CLIVE in International Relations, Volume XIII, No 2, August 1996 -

Neil Melvin's valuable study of the role of the Russian-speaking communities in the development of national identity in six former Soviet republics grew out of a project organized by the Royal Institute of International Affairs. In each case, Melvin has provided the historical background to the contemporary problems. Within the Russian Federation, the Russian national question is of fundamental importance, because in certain areas, of which Chechenia is the best known, Russians constitute a minority. The disintegration of the USSR created a situation in which some 25 million Russian settlers found themselves living in newly independent states. The consequent notion of a Russian diaspora was integrated into the definition of the Russian nation. It was only with the Gorbachev reforms of the 1980s and the rise of nationalist politics that Russian identity began to undergo significant change. After the collapse of the USSR, the leading members of the democratic bloc, led by Yeltsin and his Foreign Minister Kozyrev, claimed that interference in the internal affairs of neighbours belonged to the imperial and Soviet past. But by the winter of 1992, the democratic defence of the settler communities had become a basic tenet of Russia's external and domestic policies. In his 1994 New Year address, Yeltsin described the diaspora as 'inseparable from us', but by the early summer this line was being toned down.
In the Baltic states, each republic has followed different approaches to the settler communities. In Estonia, the official line has shown willingness to support the cultural and political development of the non-Estonian community, while Latvia has been the most extreme case of Sovietization. However, from 1989 to 1991, the Russian-speaking populations in both states demonstrated increasing support for Baltic independence. The defeat of the August 1991 coup in Moscow caused many leading Latvian politicians to encourage non-Latvians to leave, and in the June 1993 elections the nationalist parties were easy winners while most of the Russian-speaking population were unable to vote. In Estonia, the Russian settlers developed as a far more integrated community, notably in the north-east. Indeed, the integration of non-Estonians was further accelerated by the parliamentary elections in early 1995. In contrast to Latvia where a requirement to work in the bureaucracy is fluency in Latvian, Estonians have built important bridges with their Russian speakers. The final military withdrawal in August 1994 signalled Moscow's commitment to independent Baltic states.
Romania and the Russian Federation have had territorial and diaspora claims on Moldova. Six days after the Moldovan declaration of independence on 27 August 1991, the five districts on the left bank of the Dniester declared a separate independence in the Moldovan Transdniestrian Republic (the PMR). The PMR then formed the economic core of the Moldovan political economy. Industry on the left bank was closely tied to the Soviet military industrial complex. The proposed absorption into Romania constituted a central challenge to this position. From the bloody Dniester conflict in 1992, which finally halted Romanianization, emerged Moldovan nationalism personified in the Agrarian Democratic Party, which triumphed in the 1994 elections. On the right bank, the Socialist unity alliance and the Russian Centre in Chisinau guarded the position of the Russian-speaking community. The engagement of Chisinau with the IMF and the World Bank meant that the right bank was becoming more vital economically than the unreformed PMR and has been helped to do so by pro-Moldovan settler organizations backed by the Russian government.
Large-scale Russian settlement of the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine has led many Russians to conclude that a distinct Ukrainian nationality is a fiction. Ukrainian nationalism dates primarily from the post-war years when Ukraine became a member of the United Nations; but in the 1970s and 1980s nationalist and anti-Soviet forces were kept in check. In 1989, the leading independent movement, Rukh, was formed which provoked anxiety in the Russified East, where the new business class supported privatization, reforging links to industry in Russia and protecting the Russian language. From early 1994, Crimea's leading economic actors began to distance themselves from the more radical pro-Moscow line of Russian nationalist groups. Indeed, since October 1993 the Russian government has generally supported the Ukrainian position on the Crimean issue, fearing that its secession would establish a dangerous precedent for areas such as Chechenia. There is a strong sense among Russians in the west that they are Central Europeans rather than Russians of the Russian Federation. Overall, by mid-1995, despite continuing chronic economic problems, Ukraine seemed unlikely to disintegrate.
A distinct Kazakh national identity has been steadily developing since the late 1950s. Kunaev became First Secretary in 1960 and was the first Kazakh to rise to membership of the Politburo. The perestroika years did much to accelerate the development of a Kazakh national identity and transform the nationalist movement into a political force. In December 1986, there were riots in Almaty when Kolbin, a Russian from Ulyanovsk, replaced Kunaev. But during the debate on sovereignty in October 1990, a bill was passed acknowledging that the Kazakh language should have a special place in Kazakhstan, leaving a diminished role for Russian language and culture. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Kazakhstan became a single ethno-political unity and the Russian community in the north and east was left without an organization to speak on its behalf. President Nazarbaev's party, which has always strongly opposed dual citizenship, has profited from the immigration of some one million ethnic Kazakhs living in and beyond the former USSR and the exodus of some 200,000 Russians. With the settlers demanding unification with Russia, Russified Kazakhs calling for a confederation and Kazakh nationalists demanding even greater independence, Nazarbaev is confronted by a complex problem of balancing the promotion of links between the north-east and Russia and the retention of crucial elements of national sovereignty that will allow him to keep support in the key southern areas. Kazakhstan is the area in which the settler issue continues to pose the greatest challenge to peace and stability.
The central finding of Neil Melvin's study is that because of the poorly articulated character of Russian ethnicity, widespread conflict did not develop, as might have been expected, over the issue of Russian settler communities. There was no common understanding of what it meant to be Russian among the 25 million Russians living outside the Russian Federation. Moreover, the fact that many of the post-Soviet elite in Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Moldova (after the war in 1992) were drawn from the former communist system, ensured that ethno-nationalism was often moderated by the stress which national communism placed on inter-ethnic accord. If, however, after the presidential elections in June 1996, Russia enters an expansionist or nationalist trajectory, the issue of the diaspora might well play a central role in reviving Russia as a 'Great Power' which needs to protect its diaspora by possible territorial annexations.
NIGEL CLIVE