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"The answer is simple and relates to the fact that Morgenthau was writing a piece of wartime propaganda with the expressly stated purpose of mobilising support for President Wilson's war effort. He consciously down played the close relationships he enjoyed with the Young Turk leadership throughout his sojourn in Constantinople and sacrificed truth for the greater good of helping to generate anti-Turkish sentiment which would transform itself into pro-war sentiment."
Unfortunately the American public opinion during that time was based on such sources as the services of Dragaman (translators) between the officials of the Ottoman Empire and the American Ambassador. And these dragaman were not Ottoman Turks but Ottoman Armenians and Ottoman Greeks both were in conflict with the Ottoman Empire. Ambassador Morgenthau used two of them, two Armenians, namely Hagop S. Andonian (personal secretary) and Arshag K. Schmavonian (legal assistant). The printed copy however went through severe war time propaganda editing by the US Secretary of State, Robert Lensing and Pulitzer award winning author, Burton J. Hendrick.
One of the most dramatic incidents and the diversion of the facts were about the life insurance benefits of the deceased Armenian insurers of an American Insurance company. The book claims that Talaat, the Ottoman Interior Minister, made a request to him that the Ambassador should help to facilitate payment the insurance benefits to the Ottoman Treasury, as there were no heirs to the insurers! However, Dr. Lowry proved that after reading the actual dated letters, the request of the Ottoman Minister was to stop the American Insurance Company from transferring their capital funds from Ottoman Empire to France, and thereby preserving sufficient capitalization for any benefits claims. Such diversion of the facts is extremely dangerous.
It is therefore an important document about the wartime journalism and subsequent unfortunate diversions of the facts to base Armenian claims of 1915. We could only be grateful to Dr. Lowry that he shed light into the story with his review of the original letters stored in FDR Library and in the National Achieves.
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There were several things that i didn't like about the book. Everytime Hempstone mentions a person he has to tell us what tribe that person belongs to...urrrgh....if there could be a reason for banning this book in kenya..this would be it! The other thing i noticed was that Hempstone does an amazing job of making himself look good in the book. The book is filled with notes of important people or not praising him for this or that....it struck me as very self promoting. Some of the stuff about locals was absolutely untrue. For example...at one pt he says the Samburu are know to diet on meat, milk and urine like the maasai. The urine part is an outright lie, i say this a maasai born + bred deep in maasai land...maasai do not drink urine...yaaak....blood we drink urine is a no-no!
The last and minor thing is the endless repeatations in the book. Several statements are repeated over + over again through the book...i got the impression that maybe a pt was being drum into my head.
Nevertheless, this book gives an interesting insite into the political issues in kenya as well as most likely alot of the other african countries. I was kind of disappointed that the book didn't go more into depth on the sudan crisis --- that region of africa needs serious help!
Having only lived in Kenya a very short while, and not during the time he describes, I cannot have my own understanding of events to corroborate what he says, and Hempstone certainly makes little attempt to back up any of the stories about the nefarious Biwott and megalomaniac Moi, beyond saying that he got them from reliable sources... Which is a real pity, because it would be so nice to see him truly skewer the indubitably corrupt and malignant politicians.
As a memoir it's certainly entertaining enough, as long as you learn to flip through Hempstone's self-promoting blather, which at times begins to sound like a curriculum vitae. It gives you plenty of fascinating historical background, and a decent understanding of the beautiful country Kenya is, but as reliable reference material, however... Who could say?
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In short, don't look for a fair approach to the first question. That's not what this book is about.
Anderson has a great handle on Mormon history. The insights that he offers into how certain traumatic events in Joseph Smith's childhood could have affected his personality are often enlightening, and always interesting. i.e. The trauma associated with the near amputation of Smiths leg, and the public humiliation of being on trial for being a glass looker. Anderson does a nice job of helping us reflect on Smith's humanity. He helps us see that these events are indeed difficult for a person to go through, and that they can shape how one views the world.
That said, I thought this book also had some fundamental problems. For example, at times Anderson uses the Book of Mormon text to help determine the order or details of certain historical events in Joseph's life. Other times he seems to claim to know exactly what motivated Smith on certain occasions, because of what is written in a part of the Book of Mormon. This seemed too speculative to me. Some of this speculation is interesting theory, other portions seem specious.
Nevertheless, an interesting read. A intriguing theoretical approach.
Not for the initiate into the arcane world of LDS theology and history. Try "Mormon America" first. But for a guy like me who spent 40 years (two as a missionary) in "the Church," it's a haunting trip into the mind of a very famous, unique American religious leader.
The author's intent is to provide a tentative diagnosis, and he fully explains the inherent weaknesses in such an approach. Although there may be alternative diagnoses for Smith, the evidences themselves outlined by the author that Joseph Smith wrote the Book of Mormon are *not* so weak and will be much more difficult for the apologists to refute.
Much material about Mormonism, pro- and con-, has been hashed and rehashed. This book does not contain any of that. This book offers a refreshing and unique dimension to the pro- vs. con- dialogue. Often I caught myself saying, "Why didn't I think of that?"
I heartily recommend this book.
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Thompson obviously didn't research this very well, as he would have found that, in December, 1940, the Army Air Force had only a handful of early model B-17's, 58 to be exact, and did not consider them combat worthy. They were being used for pilot and crew training, equipment testing, and development of strategic bombing doctrine. The bases Thompson mentions, Kunming, China, Singapore, Cavite in the Phillipines, Hong Kong, Guam, and Dutch Harbor in the Aleutians were, with the exception of Guam, all well beyond the B-17's combat range.
The author makes one egregrious error after another; on pages 121 and 122, he describes the sinking of the British capitol ships Prince of Wales and Repulse, claiming that "nearly 1,000" Japanese planes "from nearby carriers" attacked the two ships and that a British destroyer was dragged down with the Prince of Wales when she sank. Somehow these facts seem to have eluded other historians. Every other source I have seen, says the British did not lose any destroyers that day and the bulk of the Japanese carrier fleet, the six largest fleet carriers, was still in the central Pacific, returning from the Pearl Harbor attack. At any rate, the Japanese Navy could muster a total of only about 650 carrier aircraft from all of their carriers combined, in December, 1940. Most sources agree that the somewhat less than one hundred planes that attacked the Prince of Wales and Repulse were all land-based. One wonders where Thompson found his "facts", and why they are so at odds with other accounts.
The author also weighs in on the atomic bomb controversy at the end of the war, claiming it wasn't necessary to drop them, since the Japanese were trying to surrender anyway. This position has been rather thoroughly demolished by Richard B. Frank's research. The Japanese weren't trying to surrender so much as negotiate a cease-fire, not on the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, but on their own terms. Terms which would have left the militarists in power and led to another war in the next generation.
I picked up this book in the hopes of reading about some new research or at least a new interpretation of existing knowledge: I got neither. It is sorely disappointing to see the same tired, and mostly discredited, arguments offered up as a "truly important and complex new interpretation" of the Pacific War. That is one thing this book is not.
As I came to the final chapter of the book, I expected to find a substantial conclusion which would sum up the author's evidence for his thesis that America's involvment in Korea and Vietnam was the result of American aspirations in China and a bungled foreign policy. What I got was 13 pages of nothing. American foreign policy in China was certainly bungled until set right by Richard Nixon, but Mao never regarded the U.S. as an enemy and as soon as he was approached in friendship by the Nixon administration he embraced closer ties with America. America's adversary in the Far East was always the Soviet Union and not China. The Soviet Union armed, trained and financed the North Korean Peoples Army and helped plan their attack on South Korea. China only became involved because it could not tolerate a foreign army camped on it's border. Even then, Mao had to borrow money from the Soviets to buy arms from the Soviets to equip his soldiers. Mao never forgave Russia for this episode. Similiarly, the North Vietnamese Army was trained, financed and armed by the Soviet Union. North Vietnam would have collapsed without Soviet aid and at that time China, suffering from the chaos and destruction of the Cultural Revolution, was in no position to offer anything but rhetoric and a few 'volunteers'. Despite the public invective at the time, China's leaders never regarded the U.S. as an old British style imperialist power. As Mao told his personal physician in 1969, "The United States and the Soviet Union are different. The United States never occupied Chinese territory. America's new president, Richard Nixon, is a longtime rightist, a leader of the anit-communists there. I like to deal with rightists. They say what they really think-not like the leftists, who say one thing and mean another".
Events in the Far East since WW2 are clearly the result of the post war rivalry between America and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union saw China as a threat and, as it did in Eastern Europe, attempted to place buffer states and spheres of influence between itself and it's enemy. The Soviet's use of Chinese troops as cannon fodder in Korea completely alienated Mao from his Marxist motherland. While the U.S. was fighting Soviet backed troops in Vietnam, the Chinese were fighting Russian troops along the Heilongjiang border. For the U.S. China was always a ally waiting for American diplomacy to catch up with American power.