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If you're looking for heavy reading, this isn't it. If your life is heavy and you need a reprieve, you've come to the right place. I thank Jim for that reprieve.
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Loughlin investigates the evolution of Ulster Unionists' understanding of national identity in relation to understandings in the wider United Kingdom. An enormous academic industry has been built up around the problematising of the modern history of Northern Ireland (and, more distantly, Ireland as a whole). This in itself is not surprising since stark images of conflict are prominent in representations of contemporary Northern Ireland. However, focus on local conflict in Northern Ireland often carries the assumption (which such analyses fail to explore) that surrounding societies and identities without comparable conflict (principally Britain) represent some sort of norm. Such analyses thus implicitly regard it as acceptable shorthand to treat notions of British national identity outside of Northern Ireland as static, unchanging and reasonably homogeneous. Once properly explored by historians, these assumptions fall to the ground. The merits of Loughlin's approach are that while he focuses on interactions between the "Britishness" of Northern Ireland and the predominant modes of "Britishness" in the remainder of the United Kingdom, he assimilates a wider historiography which has demonstrated that the latter modes have been themselves varied, diverse, and a small proportion of the multiple identities of the United Kingdom. He suggests thus that there is no necessary reason why the national identity of Ulster Unionists should be perceived as alien to forms of national identity elsewhere in the United Kingdom, and charts the psychological distance between these two types of manifestations of Britishness as a process resulting from political and social change in Britain as well as in Northern Ireland. Loughlin's hypothesis is open to the charge of teleology since he has determined at the outset to investigate Ulster Unionism primarily in a British context, but this charge is no less valid against historians who investigate Northern Ireland in an Irish context. In each case the methodology must be evaluated according to the extent of historical terrain meaningfully illuminated, and in this respect I find Loughlin's work very convincing.
My main criticism is that Loughlin's comparison between national identity among Northern Irish Unionists on the one hand, and among Britons on the other, seems to draw disproportionately upon the British political Right. Admittedly, within Britain, right-wing voices have often been predominant (or at least noisiest) among expressions of British national identity and Ulster Unionists' closest political allies. However, the patriotic content of the thought of the political Left (recently explored by Paul Ward in "Red flag and Union Jack" (Woodbridge : Boydell Press, 1998)) did much to give expressions of national identity in Britain a consensual appearance. I suspect that Loughlin's relative neglect of left-wing expressions of British national identity may be explained by the fact that while sources of distance between British right-wing expressions of national identity and Ulster Unionism are subtle enough to require considerable illumination, sources of distance between British left-wing expressions of national identity and Ulster Unionism can largely be explained with cursory reference to the frequent ignorance of the British Left. If so, I wish this had been illuminated a little further.
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that lead up to their arrest turn the plot? This has it all.
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