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Viewpoint 1 claims "gun control" will reduce lethal crime. The writer says criminal assaults and robberies are not higher in the United States than other developed countries, but the murder rate is much higher. (Actually, the rate of violent deaths in America is lower than in many European countries, and Japan.) Louisiana's murder rate is 20 times the rate of Vermont (which has little gun control). Cities have more murders than rural areas (with guns?). Page 130 mentions that none of the theories can explain this! But the writer claims that eliminating handguns would lower the number of homicides! Viewpoint 2 says gun control will not reduce violent crime; it is a failure in other countries. Japan's abolition of private gun ownership resulted in an increase of gun violence (p.132). This also happened in Australia and Great Britain (p.133). But in America violent crime continues to fall as the number of states with "shall issue" laws increase.
Viewpoint 3 claims gun control will reduce school violence, because guns were used in the 1999 Columbine massacre. Yet prior to the 1968 Gun Control Act, most schools had rifle teams, guns were more handy, and no massacre ever happened! There were no monstrous high schools, MTV, video games, working mothers, and, less oppression of students. Viewpoint 4 says gun control will not reduce school violence, because firearms are obtained illegally. In spite of the corporate media attention, school violence is declining, and students are still safest in school (p.141). The Columbine killers illegally obtained their legally bought guns. Proposals made after this crime were flawed. Most gun violence is intentional, not accidental. Besides, the 1968 Gun Control Act was supposed to cure this! There are flaws in the criminal justice system (p.145). More people are deterred from crime by social standards, not laws (p.146). He suggests prevention programs need more funding (p.147). But there's big money in prison constructions and operation, and payoff to politicians that suggest early intervention programs will be skimped.
Viewpoint 5 claims gun manufacturers should be held responsible for gun violence. But manufacturers of automobiles, baseball bats, knives, etc. are NOT responsible for their misuse! The CPHV tries to use the tort system to prosecute gun manufacturers for misuse of their products. Isn't this barratry? The truth is that CPHV is using civil torts in an attempt to get guns outlawed since they can't accomplish this through legislation. This article has many half-truths and one-sided claims. It could be used as an example of sophisticated special pleading (p.149-153). Viewpoint 6 says gun manufacturers should not be held responsible for gun violence since it allows courts to make laws that should be enacted by legislatures. Product liability law says manufacturers are not responsible for criminal or negligent misuse of non-defective products (p.157). Viewpoint 7 claims gun safety standards should be mandatory, and suggests some solutions. He also tells of the problem with each. None will prevent human error. Viewpoint 8 says gun safety standards should not mandatory. There are risks in gun ownership as there are with flying or traveling in general. While 392 children were killed in gun accidents, 590 died from medicine poisoning (childproof caps?), 1063 from burns, 1247 from drownings, and 5503 from cars (p.175). And 200 from falls.
Viewpoint 1 does not list a real person as the author. It claims that a weapon is dangerous (!) and must be "regulated". It is an attempt to infringe on the right to keep and bear arms. It admits the murder rate increased after the 1968 Gun Control Act even when no firearm was used (p.20)! Most gun deaths result from suicide, not murder (p.22). Viewpoint 2 correctly points out that gun ownership has increased faster than the homicide rate (p.27), so it is simple minded to claim the former caused the latter (pp. 26-27). Homicide rates fluctuate, and have tended to decline (p.28).
Viewpoint 3 uses rhetoric about an idyllic youth in East Orange NJ (before the Gun Control Act), but cites not facts in support. Page 32 suggests a biased outlook in the data collection by part of the CDC, and that some part of the AMA has a political agenda against handguns. What means will they use to reach their desired end? Viewpoint 4 says the medical and public-health establishment produced research that was biased, riddled with errors, and unreliable (p.39). Page 40 gives one example of bias in the 'New England Journal of Medicine': censorship of the report that the homicide rate went up 25% in Vancouver since the 1977 Canadian law banning handguns! Page 43 tells of the flawed methodology used by A. Kellermann (the "43 times fallacy"). Kellermann's article did not use deaths in non-gun homes as a control; in the cases of a non-gun home you are 99 times more likely to kill a family member than an intruder. (Most deaths in the home are suicides.) Between 25 and 75 lives are saved by a gun for every life lost by a gun (p.44). Guns prevent harm to people, and protect property every day. When the discredited CDC gun control research was defunded, corporate millionaires began to pay for this slanted research (p.46).
Viewpoint 5 is a good example of slick writing that doesn't really say much. The writer didn't do enough research ("dime-store novels"?). He mentions "the past three decades of gun violence" which echoes the fact that the 1968 Gun Control Act resulted in more crime and violence. Viewpoint 6 comes from a victim of a crazed shooter. This student of psychology has some insights into the "gun control" fantasy foisted upon the gullible who believe the corporate media. Who else has been exploited?
Note that "gun control" is a euphemism for "gun prohibition". An aristocratic ruling class will always try to disarm the common people in order to oppress them; see Aristotle's "Politics". After the Civil War the new corporate aristocracy attacked the Second Amendment. It took sixty years to destroy our "well-regulated militia" (1877-1934). Then they began to attack "the right to keep and bear arms".
Viewpoint 1 explains why private ownership is protected by the Second Amendment. In Presser vs. Illinois (1886) the Supreme Court proclaimed that "the State cannot ... prohibit the people from keeping and bearing arms" (p.64). In U.S. vs. Miller (1939) the Supreme Court did not deny the right to keep and bear arms, except in the narrow sense of the recently outlawed type of weapon used (pp. 64-65). This was a fixed case, since Miller was not represented in court! Recent Supreme Court decisions have not denied that "the people" means just what it says (pp. 65-67).
Viewpoint 2 attacks the right to keep and bear arms. It implicitly admits this interpretation was created after the Civil War (p.70). The Miller decision was constructed to enforce the 1934 Firearms Act (banned sawed-off shotguns), another political decision. This introduced the concept of intent! It is dishonest to claim that Cruikshank does not apply to the Federal government (p.71), since the other Amendments do apply to the states (due process, equal representation, etc.). It is amusing to quote Hickman vs. Block 1996, since so many states have passed "right to carry" laws in the 1990s! Simmons speculates on the intent of gun advocates, but doesn't tell the truth about his own intentions.
Viewpoint 3 explains why "gun control" (meaning 'gun prohibition') is unconstitutional. The Constitution does not contain the power to limit the ownership of arms. The Second Amendment positively forbids infringing the right to keep and bear arms. The Ninth Amendment says the people retain all rights not listed in the Constitution, such as the right of self-defense. The Tenth Amendment says powers not delegated to the Federal government are reserved to the people. This proves Congress has no Constitutional power to prohibit the keeping of arms by the people.
Viewpoint 4 argues that gun control is constitutional. He admits that guns are not the root cause of violence, and, the news channels play up the tragedies. He admits the Founding Fathers wanted no limitations on the right to keep and bear arms (p.79). He claims "the correct interpretation" is to allow limits, but fails to see that this novel approach was created in the 20th century, once the corporate ruling class began to oppress the people (like any aristocracy in recorded history). The author tries to create fear and terror by recalling school shootings in a "gun free zone" (p.81). The obvious fact is that this never happened prior to the 1968 Gun Control Act.
While it is not listed in the Bibliography, read "The Minuteman" by Gary Hart for a history of the militia.
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The remarkable thing about it is that even though Joyce is basically transcribing the events of his own life, he's impressively objective. Stephen Daedalus (it became "Dedalus" in the later version) is presented as a bit of a prig, almost comically outraged when it looks like he can't read out a speech to a college debating society, and for all his erudition and genius a twit when it comes to getting his end away with the luscious Emma Clery. Joyce obviously realised this, because when he rewrote the novel he made it not more objective but less so, forcing us to see the events from Stephen's point of view, modifying his method as Stephen grows from frightened boy to disdainful young man. Stephen Hero is all told in the same cool third-person that Joyce used in his early stories. He abandoned it when he realised that it was quite inappropriate for the book he really wanted to write.
So what are the virtues of Stephen Hero? For one thing, it shows a lot more of the life around Stephen; Joyce has a lot of fun recording the inane remarks of Stephen's fellow students and the dimwitted inanity of the college president. The family is presented as less of a threat and more of a slightly baffling background hum (Joyce seldom wrote as kindly about his mother as he does here, even if he made her death one of the equivocal emotional centres of Ulysses). Stephen's artistic theories are _explained_, rather than being _demonstrated_ as they are in A Portrait (and while this is part of how much better a book A Portrait is, it's nice to see them set down, as well.) But in the end you have to admit that if Joyce had published this as his first novel, he mightn't have had the reputation he has today as being a man who published nothing but masterpieces. Dubliners is the best starting point if you've never read Joyce before and want to see what the fuss is about. Stephen Hero, on the other hand, is no masterpiece, but it's perhaps the only book by James Joyce that you could recommend to people going on a long train journey.
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Becca likes her life the way it is, but when the war breaks out, she knows life will never be the same. Because she hints they should support their country, both of her beaux, Alex and Charlie, join the army. She feels she is now responsible for what happens to either of them.
Before they part, both Alex and Charlie ask for her hand in marriage. Becca loves both of them equally, but she must make a decision before, or if, they come back.
I believe this is a very interesting book. Forman did a great job combining history with a love story. Although there was a bit too much history, this really is a great book.
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This book is appropriate for adult readers and young readers alike. It has spurred me to want to read more about history and ocean adventure of the time period.
THE BOOK TRACES THE EXPLOITS OF CHARLES SELDEN FROM THE TRENCHES THROUGH FLIGHT TRAINING, THE LAFFAYETTE ESCADRILLE, AND INTO THE U.S. ARMY FLYING CORPS WHERE HE IS SHOT DOWN AND CAPTURED. THE BOOK CLOSES WITH HIS ESCAPE AND RETURN.
THE REGULAR MEN AND WOMEN AND THE HEROS OF HISTORY ARE VIVIDLY PORTRAYED TO THE EXTENT THAT YOU SEEM TO KNOW THEM ALL AND MAKE FRIENDS WITH CHARLES SELDEN. IT'S 1999 NOW AND I HAVE ONLY AVERAGE MEMORY, BUT I'VE NEVER FORGOTTEN THIS SPECIAL BOOK EVEN THOUGH I'VE NOT READ IT SINCE 1964. IT'S THAT GOOD.