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You can buy a 1,000 Arabic language books versus 1,000 French language books and the thousand French books will pretty much be consistent in their approach and the thousand Arabic books will have 1,000 different approaches. When you learn a Romance language, you start off with the alphabet, then you move on to numbers, then the days of the week, the months of the year, how do you pronounce your name or how do you ask someone else's name, etc. In most Arabic books, you never get that. You get thrown words and sentences as if you know the language. In the Arabic alphabet there are 28 characters. Each has three different forms. A letter can appear one way at the beginning of a word and look another way in the middle and yet another way at the end. So when you learn Arabic you must learn 84 different characters. You think any of these Arabic language authors care to tell you that? Guess again.
Additionally, just when it is getting good, there are three short vowels and long vowels in Arabic. The short vowels are what you really need to focus upon. If you are learning Classical Arabic which is the language of the Holy Quran, you will see the short vowels in each word. In modern Arabic, the Arabs do not mark words with the short vowel, so for non-Arab speakers how do you know how to read and pronounce word that you are unfamiliar with, if the vowels are not included? So you still want to study Arabic?
If you buy this book, you buy it because you are learning Arabic with a teacher and you have had some Arabic before hand. This book will really help you out. If you are trying to learn this language on your own--forget it. Most of these Arabic language books are not structured in that way.
This book has a lot of value to someone who is studying with a teacher and has seen the language before and knows the alphabet. This is not the book for a beginner with no prior experience with Arabic. You would be completely helpless with this one.
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Now the bad news: the translation overall has serious problems and some of Mr. Pickthall's commentary on Islam is laughable. The most glaring problem is his insistence on using archaic grammar forms, such as "thee," "thou," "ye" and so forth in the text, as well as uncommon or archaic words -- such as "troth" and "aught" -- when modern and normal ones like "faithfulness" and "anything" would have been appropriate. I recently read a modern English translation of the Apocrypha, and found it significantly easier to read than my trusty King James translation of the Bible. I think I would have had a similarly easier experience if Mr. Pickthall had provided a modern version of the Koran.
Mr. Pickthall also has an annoying habit of translating the past participle as "used to," instead of using the straight past tense or the pluperfect. So, where a normal translation might read: "We make them taste a dreadful doom because they disbelieved" or "had disbelieved," Mr. Pickthall renders it "We make them taste a dreadful doom because they used to disbelieve." That may be a literal translation from the Arabic, but in English it's jarring, and after seeing this oddball verb form dozens if not hundreds of times, it really grates.
The revisionism. I actually laughed out loud at Mr. Pickthall's statement that Mohammed "raised women from the status of chattel to complete legal equality with man" (p. xxvi). That's nonsense. For crying out loud, in the birthplace of Mohammed, women aren't even allowed to drive cars. And the Koran itself doesn't place women on anywhere near an equal level to men. For example, men can divorce their wives by saying "I divorce you" three times, but women have no such equal right (S-rah 2:229). Men also receive greater inheritances than women. Surah 4:177. See also generally Surah 2:226-7; 4:34. Mohammed gets props for condemning female infanticide (Surah 16:58-9) but that's hardly the same thing as gender equality, I think you'd agree.
As for the Koran itself -- well, it has an intellectual consistency and vigor that Christians are unaccustomed to, since the Bible has numerous authors and styles, and clashing views of comportment, nature of God, justice, duty, salvation and mercy. The biblical author that comes closet to style and substance to Mohammed is probably Jeremiah. The Koran is fanatically monotheistic in its outlook, and the book's requirements to worship Allah could best be summarized as carrot-and-stick: worship Allah and follow His directions and be rewarded; if you don't, you'll be severely punished. The book is moreover extremely repetitive, dour, utterly humorless and, despite its energy, much more tedious than other scriptures I have read.
One more thing. Let's dispense with the political correctness and admit that the truth: the Koran provides ample justification for and/or endorsement of those who perpetrated the atrocities of September 11, 2001. See Surahs 2:190-1, 193, 246; 3:157-8, 169, 195; 4:74, 76-7; 8:39, 65; 9:5, 29, 36, 111, 123; 22:39; 47:4; 61:4.
Pickthall and Ali have some obsolete style English in them that can get in the way of understanding them; but combined with the Istanbul version it adds understanding. In many ways Pickthall's translation maintains more "depth" and some of the fluidity of the Arabic - at least according to some of the folks I know who read Arabic. Ali has some odd explanations from places like Shakespeare that seem out of place.
So, I consider this one well worth purchasing - especially if you find the version that also includes the transliteration so you can learn to recite from it.
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There are some sources of confusion, for example, Fig. 2.17(b) and Fig. 2.18(b) contain circuit elements pertaining to reverse bias of a diode that are never explained, including a diode symbol never introduced or explained. The discussion of a peak detector as a demodulator employs a series connection of voltage sources (p. 119) instead of a multiplication of the modulating and carrier waveforms.
Overall, an excellent introduction, more modern and much better at context and motivation than most.
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"The modern Westerner has no difficulty in showing how Muhammad may have been mistaken." it is
biased
and totally not reflecting history but showing a great deal of propaganda..
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In this book The Honorable Elijah Muhammad goes about the process of explaining the story of Hiram Abiff and how it relates to African-American and how it was a beautiful enigmatic story that describes an actual historical event and people.
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This is a partisan work compiled by the editor hiding behind the nom de plume of Ibn Warraq (lit. "Son of a copyist"). a name redolent of medieval theological controversies. The editor is clearly courting controversy by indulging in a self-serving, polarizing discourse in his lengthy introduction, which sets the tone for the rest of the book. The introductory radd consists of two essays composed by Ibn Warraq and fellow "zindiq" Ibn Rawandi (another cleverly crafted pseudonym). These two essays contain a recital of the masawi of authors from what I will call the non-rejectionist school, and the maf akhir of authors from what I will call the rejectionist school; Ibn Warraq and Ibn Rawandi zealously endorse the views of the latter school. As is well known to Islamicists, the adherents of the rejectionist school advocate the whole-scale jettisoning of the written classical Islamic sources, primarily dating from the third/ninth century, for reconstructing the history of early Islam. Juxtaposed to them are those scholars from the non-rejectionist school who, in varying degrees, call rather for a critical re-reading of the traditional sources in order to present a credible account of the rise and development of the Muslim polity. The first group, the "Islamic Propagandists" in our editor's constellation, selectively include Montgomery Watt, Fuat Sezgin, Nabia Abbott, Fred Donner, C. H. M. Veersteegh, and Estelle Whelan, while the second group, the "Critical Vanguards," include Henri Lammens, Edward Muir, Patricia Crone, Michael Cook, and John Wansbrough, among others. Our copyist's son clearly has an ideological axe to grind: anyone who revises, refines, challenges, or nuances the arguments of the rejectionist school is depicted as doing so from sinister motives, while those who unequivocally champion its views are understood to be motivated by the purest and most single-minded scholarly devotion to the indefatigable pursuit of Historical Truth. Poor editing, sloppy transliteration, and ad hominen attacks on certain authors from the "enemy" camp, especially Watt, add to the chagrin of the reader. Ibn Warraqs failure to even give a fair account causes him to omit different theories. Some of which seemingly challenges the revisionist position. The works of Uri Rubin and Harold Motzki are not even mentioned. Sadly, the rest of the book is an anthology of previously published essays by Ernest Renan, Henri Lammens (three articles in all), C. H. Becker, Arthur Jeffery, Joseph Schacht, Lawrence I. Conrad (two essays), Andrew Rippin, J. Koren and Y. D. Nevo, and F. E. Peters, all of which in varying ways question traditional interpretations of the rise of Islam and the career of its Prophet, and/or of the composition and growth of specific Islamic corpora: scripture, sira, hadith, tafsir, and [ta.sup.[contains]]rikh. The final section consists of two essays by Herbert Berg and G. R. Hawting that are adulatory assessments of the significance of John Wansbrough's hypotheses for contemporary studies of early Islam.
There is no doubt that many of the above writers have raised pertinent and provocative questions that have been and continue to be debated by scholars in the field. They raise challenges and questions concerning the Islamic origins and the historical position of Muhammad. To give a quick example, the work of F.E. Peters is remarkable and erudite. Unfortunately for "Iby," the consequence of this book is that it simply excludes different views on Islamic origins. Ibn Warraq does not even include a single "non-revisionist" theory, which is unfortunate for a "true" historian. Ibn Warraq lacks the skills to handle Arabic texts properly and assumes that the revisionist position is static. By being a former Muslim, and his choice of scholars while omitting others, causes him to commit the same sin that he accuses Muslims of committing: bias and uncritical reporting. Ibn Warraq also forgets that there is a debate going on as well. But Ibn Warraq is not interested in debate; he wants nothing less than wholesale conversion to his point of view, touted as that of a friqa najiya within the community of scholars of Islam. This kind of triumphalist grandstanding needlessly poisons the atmosphere and stymies efforts to engage in honest scholarly discussion. Ibn Warraq is no authority in the field of Islamic origins. With mentioning that, he should not be taken seriously as our guide to the study. Quite frankly, Ibn Warraq should have never pursued this endeavor, since he will be slapped with being biased because he is a former Muslim. The book overall contains very scholarly essays in which one would benefit from the field. However, to have Iby as our guide to the field is absurd. Ibn Warraq "we" don't need you!
By Daniel Pipes The Jerusalem Post Friday, May 12 2000
In a well-known and oft-repeated statement, the French scholar Ernest Renan wrote in 1851 that, unlike the other founders of major religions, the Prophet Muhammad "was born in the full light of history." Indeed, look up Muhammad in any reference book and the outlines of his life are confidently on display: birth in CE 570 in Mecca, career as a successful merchant, first revelation in 610, flight to Medina in 622, triumphant return to Mecca in 630, death in 632. Better yet, read the 610-page standard account of Muhammad's life in English, by W. Montgomery Watt, and find a richly detailed biography. There are, however, two major problems with this standard biography, as explained in a fascinating new study, The Quest for the Historical Muhammad, edited by Ibn Warraq (Prometheus Books). First, the massive documentation about Muhammad derives in every instance from Arabic written sources - biographies, collections of the prophet's sayings and doings, and so on - the earliest of which date from a century and a half after his death. Not only does this long lapse of time cast doubt on their accuracy, but internal evidence strongly suggests the Arabic sources were composed in the context of intense partisan quarrels over the prophet's life. To draw an American analogy: It's as though the first accounts of the US Constitutional Convention of 1787 were only recently written down, and this in the context of polemical debates over interpretation of the Constitution. Second, the earlier sources on the prophet's life that do survive dramatically contradict the standard biography. In part, these are literary sources in languages other than Arabic (such as Armenian, Greek, or Syriac); in part, they are material remains (such as papyri, inscriptions, and coins). Although the unreliability of the Arabic literary sources has been understood for a century, only recently have scholars begun to explore its full implications, thanks largely to the ground-breaking work of the British academic John Wansbrough. In the spirit of "interesting if true," they look skeptically at the Arabic written sources and conclude that these are a form of "salvation history" - self-serving, unreliable accounts by the faithful. The huge body of detail, revisionist scholars find, is almost completely spurious. So unreliable do the revisionists find the traditional account, Patricia Crone has memorably written, that "one could, were one so inclined, rewrite most of Montgomery Watt's biography of Muhammad in reverse." For example, an inscription and a Greek account leads Lawrence Conrad to fix Muhammad's birth in 552, not 570. Crone finds that Muhammad's career took place not in Mecca but hundreds of kilometers to the north. Yehuda Nevo and Judith Koren find that the classical Arabic language was developed not in today's Saudi Arabia but in the Levant, and that it reached Arabia only through the colonizing efforts of one of the early caliphs. Startling conclusions follow from this. The Arab tribesmen who conquered great swathes of territory in the seventh century were not Moslems, perhaps they were pagans. The Koran is a not "a product of Muhammad or even of Arabia," but a collection of earlier Judeo-Christian liturgical materials stitched together to meet the needs of a later age. Most broadly, "there was no Islam as we know it" until two or three hundred years after the traditional version has it (more like CE 830 than 630); it developed not in the distant deserts of Arabia but through the interaction of Arab conquerors and their more civilized subject peoples. A few scholars go even further, doubting even the existence of Muhammad. Though undertaken in a purely scholarly quest, the research made available in Quest for the Historical Muhammad raises basic questions for Moslems concerning the prophet's role as a moral paragon; the sources of Islamic law; and the God-given nature of the Koran. Still, it comes as little surprise to learn that pious Moslems prefer to avoid these issues. Their main strategy until now has been one of neglect - hoping that revisionism, like a toothache, will just go away . But toothaches don't spontaneously disappear, and neither will revisionism. Moslems one day are likely to be consumed by efforts to respond to its challenges, just as happened to Jews and Christians in the nineteenth century, when they faced comparable scholarly inquiries. Those two faiths survived the experience - though they changed profoundly in the process - and so will Islam.
(The writer is director of the Philadelphia Middle East Forum and wrote his first book on early Islamic history.)
Warraq's introduction gets into the world of the ahadith and sira literature, the only information on the "historical" Muhammad. This makes for a great information on the problems with the reliability of these sources, such as the fact that many of the more respective compilations came about centuries after the time Muhammad allegedly lived. The second chapter of the book is an essay by Ibn al-Rawandi, it is a brilliant and sharped-tongued attack on Islamic historical sources that compliments the book perfectly.
The rest of the book, like Origins of the Koran, is a compilation of scholarly essays from other sources. Some of it is rather old, but the more recent works are highly entertaining. The best of the essays, in my opinion, is Lawrence Conrad's Abraha and Muhammad, which exposes the weakness of the Islamic calendar, causing many events measured by it to also come into question.
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First, the book lacked strong scholarly support. What I mean by this is, it would have been more beneficial for Elreta's research to document many of the claims she made. While she hit the nail on the head with some of her claims regarding apologetics and certain other theological issues, it would have been much more advantageous to her research to quote from biblical scholar's, theologian's and apologists's works.
Second, some of her assertions about the Islamic religion were wrong. For instance, on page 13 she declares that Orthodox (using the term to make distinctions between Islam and it's aberrant cult The Nation of Islam) Muslims do not believe God (Allah) is spirit. This is wrong. For the Muslim, no matter what sect, Allah is spirit. The Muslim metaphysic is one of the material (matter) and the nonmaterial. If Allah does not fall into one of these then what is He? However, ultimately, nothing can be predicated of Allah. The Qu'ran is fairly clear Allah is not material. Thus, a stronger research base in the religion of Islam would have kept Elreta from making some of these simple errors.
Aside from these factors, the book is pretty good. It could be one among other places to begin research on the Nation of Islam. It is at least a step in the right direction.