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Then, as D-Day for Operation Musketeer arrived, he was told to change the name of the station to The Voice of Britain. Grasping exactly what was about to happen, the director of the station went on air and warned the Egyptian audience that it would shortly be hearing lies and might experience bombing. It was not to believe the lies and must endure the bombs; these acts were not those of Englishmen who knew Arabia and cared for Arab people. He was promptly arrested by the British military for his trouble. The director was brought back to England and removed from any public platform. (p. 73).
There was also an Arab News Agency, "secretly funded by the British government," (p. 72) which had been "the short-lived and now defunct Balkan News Agency." (p. 72). It had been evacuated to Egypt when the Germans invaded the Balkans. It provided an Arabic language teletype service, charging "very little for its service and frequently gave it away without charge." (p. 73). When England was ready for its pre-emptive strike, "Tom Little and his Cairo team were not in favor of Anthony Eden's military intervention and thought that the British cabinet was misreading Nasser. This stance must have been pretty clear to the Egyptians as Little managed to retain a friendship with Nasser throughout these difficult times." (p. 73). This book is supposed to be about the activities of people like Sefton Delmer, who was added to the Cairo staff "as the Suez crisis worsened in the summer of 1956, the British cabinet's plan for toppling Nasser called for several months of psychological warfare to be followed by military intervention if this did not work." (p. 70). "Delmer and Stevenson's propaganda objective was to equate Nasser with Hitler, which was Eden's view." (p. 70).
Chapter One is called "Indonesia: Prelude to Slaughter." The simple explanation of everything has always been: "As a result of Sukarno's overthrow some 500,000 Indonesians - suspected Communists - were killed." (p. 1). In late 1965, "Britain sent a Foreign Office propaganda specialist with 100,000 pounds `to do anything I could to get rid of Sukarno.'" (p. 1). "By 1959, Britain's investments in Indonesia were in the region of 300 million pounds." (p. 2) The Indonesian Communist Party, "which by 1965 had a membership of over 10 million - the largest Communist Party in the non-Communist world" (p. 3) was supporting Ahmed Sukarno, who had been declared Indonesia's first president in 1945. "And in 1955, Sukarno held the Bandung Conference of the Non-Aligned Movement, increasing suspicion in both Britain and the USA. . . . On May 18, 1958, the Indonesians shot down one of those B-26s and captured the pilot, an American named Allen Pope." (p. 3). If you didn't know anything about "those B-26s," you might be unaware that CIA planes were carrying out bombing missions to aid insurgents, something that the British and Americans now do openly over parts of Iraq, since the last failure of everybody to rebel against a leading enemy, in Iraq. In Indonesia, the biggest support for regime change was in the army. According to BBC correspondent Roland Challis, "So it's not particularly surprising . . . you would get army people saying, look, this old fool is past his time. You know, he's going gaga, he's in bed with 700 wives. And of course, one would get rid of him." (p. 5). At the start of the coup, "Six key army generals were killed," (p. 6) but Soeharto had been at a military hospital visiting his son and set about eliminating those Communists who would be the main obstacle to military rule. Sukarno "attempted to preserve his power and to prevent an all-out bloodbath," (p. 8) but the slaughter seemed to favor British and American interests. Roland Challis noticed how propaganda "was managing to transfer the whole idea of Communism on to the Chinese minority in Indonesia. It turned into an ethnic thing." (p. 8). In 1990, American investigative journalists revealed that the CIA supplied "as many as 5,000 names of suspected senior members of the PKI . . . In effect it was a hit-list which helped the army in its bloody task of physically eradicating the PKI: US Embassy officials followed the progress by checking off names as reports arrived of individual murders and arrests." (p. 9). This book is mainly about the people who were supposed to make it seem like a good idea at the time.
The book is useful, in that concepts are well explained, the examples are relevant, but most important for me is that it provides managers who have little or no experience in determining project costs with a handy means (including formulae and worked examples) of doing so.
I have tried to get copies of the most recent edition, the popularity seems to be such that the book is sold out. I most readily recommend this to anyone who needs to justify capital expenditure, who needs to do project costing, and who has to prepare proposals for submission to the boss (or the board of directors)in order to obtain funds for capital expansion, refurbishment or simply equipment upgrades.
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This writer clearly identifies a target audience -- mayors, civic leaders and school board members. By decision, it excludes teachers and students. It's sad to think -- and I've seen this happen -- that ivory tower bureaucrarts actually make decisions based on this type of dubious theory rather than getting down in the trenches with the reality of the classroom.
Content here is peppered with educratic jargon which twists other terminology into bastardized educational theories. School "incubators" make me think of premature babies."Real dollar budgets" make me wonder if bureaucrats are playing Monopoly with our taxes. "CEO Strong Schools strategy" pretends that a principal, who is middle management, is a CEO. Get real. The only CEO in the school district is the superintendent who is hired by an elected school board.
This book, to it's credit, recognizes the inability of reform to reform anything (last paragraph, page 84). Any good book offers new insights and "policy churn" gets my prize here. Teachers are jaded by bandwagon bureaucrats who recycle new versions of old ideas, one after another, never saying, "stop this" or "drop that."
Hillary Clinton quotes the African proverb, "It Takes a Village." This book spins the idea into, "a city." I'm waiting for the next trendy realization for someone to discover that, "It takes a teacher."
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I know that the point isn't to be a paper MCSE. You need experience to pass the test. The study guide should be either a starting point that gives you the theory so you can implement it and experience it, or it should be the reference that fills in the gaps in your existing experience. This book is neither.
Sure, this is pretty late for a review of this book. If you are just now buying a book to prepare for this test, you have problems. However, I am still fairly upset with the lack of depth to this book, and I would like Sybex to know about it.
In most cases, what I would consider crucial topics are only covered in the slightest detail. In fairness, the two chapters on TCP/IP and RRAS were fairly decent. There was a good amount of explanation as to WHY to configure things a certain way rather than just HOW.
Plusses: Not very many errors at all. Errors in previous Sybex books were frustrating, so it's nice to see this go.
Minuses: Too many bulleted lists and tables, not enough good meat. Reminds me more of a Test Success book than a Study Guide.
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The book has 14 chapters and an appendix. In them they seem to take you from ground zero to an administrator with a few diagrams and a few pictures. Most of the contents seem to be written by someone who already knows the subject well enough to leave out what he thinks you should already know.
As stated before one reason for using this book is to cut through the convolution. On a UNIX based host the use of DHCP is as simple as filling out a form with base information all in one location. This book takes 20 pages to describe where and how to use DHCP as if it was a separate process than the operating system.
There are better books but this book is better than not.
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Particularly fascinating in it is the hilarious story of the negotiation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which gave us California et al. It proves the Mark Twain saying that God protects fools, drunkards and the United States of America.