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In the eighties, Felix Chuev had a long series of interviews with Molotov, and they form a fascinating picture of life on the inside of the Soviet Empire. Molotov was a true believer in Communism right till the end, ready to justify anything if he thought it waould preserve the Party's power. He still loved Stalin, and said so, while admitting that he and his wife were nearly murdered by the paranoid old tyrant. 'It was necessary,' he says.
And in a weird way, he was right. Marx's grand vision was that capitalism would industrialize the world, but the workers would hate it and destroy it. Wrong! The workers were interested in better pay and better working conditions, not running the country. And Marx never had a plan for running the economy after the revolution -- somehow, the workers would solve all problems by unanimous agreement.
When the Bolsheviks seized power, they nearly destroyed Russia's economy. Facing collapse, Lenin re-instituted a form of capitalism (the New Economic Policy) to buy time to consolidate the Communist Party's rule. But by the late twenties, the NEP had done all it could. The CPUSA had to either give up power and go to full capitalism, give up growth and be conquered by Germany, or build industry on the bones of the masses. Stalin saw this, and chose to murder millions rather than admit that capitalism just works better. Molotov was his chief henchman in these policies, and he's dead right that without them, Soviet power couldn't have survived.
But even with them, it couldn't survive. The only way a Communist society can work is by one man rule and periodic bloodbaths. But in order to preserve that rule, the dictator has to slay all successors able and ruthless enough to take his place. So invariably, the Great Killer's successors are mediocrities, and the totalitarian system rots from within. It will happen in China before the 2020s are out, and in Cuba by the 2030s.
All students of Russia and the former Soviet Union (and I still LOVE to type 'former Soviet Union') should read this book and see what is necessary to hold the kind of power Lenin and Stalin did, to achieve what little they achieved, and why in the end it still had to fail.
The book shows Stalin's great achievements: solving the nationalities question, industrialisation, the collectivisation of agriculture, the defeat of Hitler. Molotov points out that the Soviet Union created "industrialisation by our own means, by our own manpower. We could not rely on foreign loans." He sums up the successes of the 1920s and 1930s: "In essence we were largely ready for the war. The five-year plans, the industrial capacity we had created - that's what helped us to endure, otherwise we wouldn't have won out." As he said, "Many things have been done wonderfully, but that is not enough."
Molotov was "a fighter for communism, Lenin's longest surviving comrade-in-arms." He was born in 1890. In 1912 he helped to found Pravda. In 1917 he joined the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In October 1917 he became a member of the Military Revolutionary Committee which prepared the armed uprising in Petrograd.
In 1926 he became a member of the Politburo, where he worked till 1952. From 1930, when he became Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, he helped to lead the drives for industrialisation and for collectivisation. He took a leading role in the fight to defeat the Fifth column. In May 1939 he was appointed Commissar for Foreign Affairs.
He was Deputy Chairman of the State Council of Defence throughout the Great Patriotic War (World War Two). In 1942 he signed the Anglo-Soviet Treaty of Alliance; he also secured Roosevelt and Churchill's agreement "To the urgent tasks of creating a second front in Europe in 1942." In 1943 he seconded Stalin at the Teheran Conference, and in 1945 he did the same at the Yalta and Potsdam Conferences. He represented the Soviet Union at the San Francisco Conference which founded the United Nations.
In 1957 the attempt to remove Krushchev was defeated and Molotov and the other Communists were expelled from the Central Committee. In 1962 he was expelled from the Party. In 1984 he was reinstated. He died in 1986.
Perhaps his epitaph should be what he said in 1976, "Properly speaking, what was Hitler's aggression? Wasn't it class struggle? It was. And the fact that atomic war may break out, isn't that class struggle? There is no alternative to class struggle. This is a very serious question. The be-all and end-all is not peaceful coexistence. After all, we have been holding on for some time, and under Stalin we held on to the point where the imperialists felt able to demand point-blank: either surrender such and such positions, or it means war. So far the imperialists haven't renounced that."
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Regarding style: Many have and will complain that Deleuze obfuscates what he ought to want to make clear. The meaning of a sentence or paragraph, I will admit, is not always clear if only because Deleuze refers often to ideas outside philosophy without providing clear meaning. He alludes or make explicit reference to art works, history, his previous work, film, and political concerns without pausing to describe more completely each of these.
Deleuze however is completely serious in his task; I would deny anyone who wished to claim Deleuze was trying to evoke a mind-fudge which would somehow disrupt the knowledge-seeking mind the same way knowledge-seeking has been disrupted by poststructuralist insights. He may do this in Mille Plateau but so far in "What is Philosophy?" he is not being artful with his style. His style is dictated not by a desire to have commensurability between "gist" and mode of expression. His style is dense and difficult because he has a lot to say, is at the end of a career with much ground work done; and feels he must talk to his schoolmates (to use a phrase of Spivak's concerning Derrida). The issues dealt with in "What is Philosophy?" exist at a high level of abstraction which Deleuze has arrived at the end of his career. Let his earlier work, a familiarity with art and culture, and a close dedicated slow reading fill in the gaps in his style.
Deleuze begins with an introduction in which he suggests that the question of what is philosophy, is a question proper for old age. Indeed, this book was written not long before Guattari died and after many of their great collaborative works. Deleuze wrote at the beginning of his career detailed histories of particular individual philosophers that he felt to be in line with his and his generations project to do without Hegelian dialectics (this according to Hardt's reading). Deleuze wrote on Hume, Bergson, Nietzsche and Spinoza in this fashion. Deleuze then partnered with Guattari, a psychoanalyst and activist, to write "Capitalism and Schizophrenia" as well as the sequel, "Thousand Plateaus."
"What is Philosophy?" is very much a work in which Deleuze and Gauttari step back to survey as only an older person can do what it is they've been doing all along. The book does actually provide definitions of what philosophy is and is rigorous in explaining what the definitions mean.
Philosophy is the creation of concepts. It is not an extension of logic, nor an inquiry into the textual nature of everything. Nor is philosophy reflection, contemplation or communication although philosophy creates concepts of each of those three eventually.
So, what is it to create concepts? It seems to me that the easiest way to understand what Deleuze says about concepts is to think about it all with the aid of a 3D Cartesian graph like in a CAD program.
There is no simple or originary concept as every concept consists in more than two components and every concept is situated in relation to a philosophical problem (such as free will or perception) and is situated in relation to other concepts on the same plane and on other planes.
"For, according to the Nietzsching verdict, you will know nothing through concepts unless you have first created them -- that is, constructed them in an intuition specific to them: a field, a plane, and a ground that must not be confused with them but that shelters their seeds..."
What the concept is named, who is it's creator, and the components involved in its relation to its philosophical problem are all the idiosyncratic components of a concept each existing in our Cartesian 3D space...the concept being the "Fragmentary whole" connecting all the components.
In light of their definition of a concept, Deleuze and Guattari are able to say something to those who are often found arguing about subjectivity and objectivity or relativism and absolutes. A concept belies this dichotomy as a concept is both relative and absolute. In that a concept consists roughly speaking of relations between its components and other concepts, then a concept is relative. But to attack a concept as not-absolute is only to bring another component into our range and thereby change the concept we are dealing with.
"The concept is therefore both absolute and relative: it is relative to its own components, to other concepts, to the plane on which it is defined, and to the problems it is supposed to resolve; but it is absolute through the condensation it carries out, the site it occupies on the plane, and the conditions it assigns to the problem" [p.21].
D and G explain themselves in concrete examples which is wonderfully helpful. The examples include "the Other" and the Cartesian Ego which includes a drawing.
I am still trying to figure out if neighborhood zones, bridges, planes, and history of a concept, refer to the concepts endoconsistency and endorelations or its exorelations. I think zone is endo and plane is endo.
More later.
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After I read this, the first time, I wanted nothing more than to meet Felix Zandman personally. Even the title inspired me to always push forward and to never give up.
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Some clinicians shy away from using experiential methods with survivors, particularly because the power of the method and its potential to produce regression. Yet many clinicians know that talk therapy, while providing symptomatic relief, often does not get to the deep healing that many survivors are seeking. When used responsibly and safely, experiential methods like psychodrama are better able to address experiences which are stored in the unconscious cubbyholes of our being that can hardly be accessed with verbal methods.
The book documents the impact of a variety of kinds of trauma -- war, physical and sexual abuse, significant loss, torture, addiction and traffic accidents among others -- and shows the various approaches of psychodramatists from around the world.
Of special interest are the chapters by French psychologist Anne Ancelin Schutzenberger, who has researched hidden transmission of trauma from generation to generation, and by co-editor Kate Hudgins, an American psychologist, who has developed the Therapeutic Spiral Model that identifies a number of inner roles that solidify within survivors as a result of the trauma.
Innovative work with juvenile and adult sexual offenders is also documented, as well as treatment with secondary victims of trauma, like family members of combat veterans and psychotherapists themselves.
Psychodrama is not a simple method so this information is less of a manual for clinicians who are not versed in this field. However, it offers a great window of possibilities for clinicians and others seeking new options for treatment.
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Anti Oedipus is really a book of anthropology. It shows how "primitive," "despotic," and finally "capitalist" regimes differ in their organization of production, recording (inscription, representation), and consumption. It's also a history insofar as it covers the process by which capitalism ultimately commands all the flows and chains of production, submitting them to a form of organization that is abstract (money is abstract) rather than local and physical.
The oedipal part of it is a critique of the Oedipal complex insofar as the complex articulates a model of society based on the family triangle. They want to show that the family is a kind of organization that must colonize its members, repress their desires, and give them complexes if it is to function as an organizing principle of contemporary society.
Their alternative, to be taken literally, is schizoid: subvertive, resistance, and always escaping capture by slipping in between the categories that organize capitalist society and its way of thinking.
Anti-Oedipus is important for political activists, otherwise it becomes just another piece of "knowledge-capital"...
What is also particularly fascinating is not the views Molotov held about the West but the views he held of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. The reader is introduced to what Molotov held as the true course for building socialism in the USSR, and one would be surprised to find out what he thought of Khrushchev and Brezhnev building "communism" in the Soviet Union.
All in all, this is an excellent buy.