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Here's the TV preview version: _Felix Holt_ is a lively mix of barroom treating, soapbox preachers, riots, bribery, "irregularities," and a courtroom scene with a shocking finale! One caveat: readers spoiled on modern pap may find this novel difficult going. But it's worth it.
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"In Morley's eyes," the cover notes, "a government of free men is like a strong-standing arch. The solid stones of which it is built is called freedom. Neither the building blocks of individual liberty nor the arch of freedom will stand secure without the keystone of federalism. It is federalism that holds up the arch. It is federalism that makes possible the preservation of both liberty and freedom. And the name of the arch is Republic-not Democracy." This book affirms that America was founded as a Republic, not a Democracy. Edmund Randolph avows, "The general object," of the constitutional convention, was "to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored; that in tracing these evils to their origin, every man had found it in the turbelence and follies of democracy." "The U.S. was conceived and framed as a constitutionally limited federal republic with limits not only on the powers of government but on that of majority rule. Succinctly stated, the fundamental purpose of government was to protect life, liberty and property. The founders were weary of unchecked democracy, majoritarian tyranny and the redistributive threat that democracy posed to property rights. In an absolute democracy, everything is potentially up for a vote, including your God-given natural rights. Under republican government, the rule of law is supreme and the rights of the individual are paramount. Thus, as Morley recognizes, the founders made few concessions to democracy and sought to localize it. Even Thomas Jeffesron, purported to be the most 'democratic' of the founders recognizes that "A democracy [is] the only pure republic, but impracticable beyond the limits of a town."
Morley analyzes Rousseau's concept of the "general will," which is a pretense for legitimizing majoritarian tyranny under the auspices of 'totalitarian democracy.' He points out how the design of federalism thwarts a general will. Morley also has no delusions of grandeur about federalism today. (Note that this book was written in the 1950's.) He rightly recognizes a steady erosion of original intent and the principles of federalism has led to centralization and a precariously unconstitutional balance of power between the federal government and states. It is little wonder that the word 'federal' has taken on a pejorative context while exemplifying centralization and bureaucracy. The word 'Federal' was derived from the Latin 'Foedus,' which translates to 'covenant' and thus 'Federalism' and 'Constitutionalism' goes hand in hand.
The culmination of big government machinations such as the Civil War, Reconstruction, New Deal, and the Great Society has usurped the constitutional order and has in many cases reduced the states to mere creatures of the federal government. Morley offers insights on historical developments such as the the Civil War, the problems presented by the 14th Amendment for jurisprudence, the nationalizing effects of commercialization, war preparation, empire building which began after the Civil War and went full circle under Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.
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In Alsace, France, on the western side of the Rhine, Miles experienced his first encounter with German troops. He spent Christmas digging foxholes and volunteered as a scout for a dangerous reconnaissance patrol. Later, his unit became involved in heavy fighting with German forces in Gros Rederching, a small town in France. Subsequently, Chuck Miles received the Bronze Star for having defended his position while being trapped behind enemy lines and for having killed 12 enemy soldiers.
In February 1945, Miles and his bataillion finally crossed into Germany. They slowly advanced, conquering town after town, quite often engaged in heavy combat with the enemy. Time and again, Chuck Miles asks the pertinent question why the Germans continued fighting even though they were losing the war:" We knew we had won the war and couln't understand why the Germans kept fighting. People were being killed and wounded each day and some picturesque villages were being damaged when it should not have been necessary"(p.47).
Felix Pfaeffle, barely 16, was drafted into the German Luftwaffe's anti-aircraft corps, also in 1944. He and his unit were ordered to stop the advance of the Allied forces not far from Karlsruhe, his hometown. During Christmas 1944, while the American infantryman Miles was fighting on the western side of the Rhine river, Felix Pfaeffle was stationed only a few miles on the opposite side of the river.
Despite their common and brutal battle experiences, the contrast between the two is obvious. Whereas Chuck Miles fought a just war to defeat Nazi Germany, Felix Pfaeffle was the 16-year old reluctant soldier who was critical of the Nazi regime. He clearly recognized that the war was lost for Germany, and he wanted to surrender to the American forces. However, that could have been very dangerous, as the German Military Police or the SS would shoot any soldier who was caught in an attempt to defect to the enemy.
Whereas Pfaeffle, after a three-month stay in a German hospital due to an injury, was able to hide and thus survive the war, Miles and his unit continued to fight until he was wounded on April 20, 1945 in a small German village, east of Heilbronn less than three weeks before the unconditional surrender of German armed forces.
Felix Pfaeffle, who at the end of the war hoped to come to America, was able to immigrate to the United States in 1951. In 2001, the two former enemies met by chance in Las Cruces, New Mexico, where both had retired. They discovered that both had been fighting 56 years ago as enemies only a few miles apart. The two became friends and decided to write down their experiences. They both describe the horror and destructiveness of the war, their fears and anxieties.
The editor of ONCE ENEMIES, NOW FRIENDS, Dr. Donna Eichstaedt, writes in her introduction that "this book presents a sensitive portrayal of two boys, caught up in the horror of the war, who miraculously survived to meet in Las Cruces, New Mexico many years later--armed this time only with memories and friendship" (p.xii).
ONCE ENEMIES, NOW FRIENDS is a fascinating account of two young soliders engaged in fierce combat at the end of World War II. Their book has just been translated and released in Germany...
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Notwithstanding our current overseas commitments, a strong strain of isolationism has been characteristic of American foreign policy since the formative days of our country. Washington's warning against "permanent alliances" in his Farewell Address of 1796 was cited by successive generations of politicians to justify an isolationist foreign policy.
While Washington's warning is often discussed, the internecine political rivalries surrounding Washington's address are not.
Felix Gilbert examines the background to the address quite capably in To the Farewell Address: Ideas of Early American Foreign Policy.
He first examines the geopolitical context of the late eighteenth century, particularly the U.S. relationship to Europe's power structure. He argues that early American distaste for the diplomatic status quo and desire for separation from the Continent's power politics can be directly linked to the concepts of British political theorists. America's early leaders brought these ideas to the New World, giving them a uniquely American flavor.
Gilbert's eventual focus is on the political climate during the end of Washington's tenure as President. The administration was beset by infighting, with federalists and republicans staking out different positions on issues, including foreign policy. Washington, seeking to bring both sides together, asked Alexander Hamilton to revise an address that had been prepared at the end of his first term, which was authored by Hamilton's rival, James Madison.
Hamilton, eager to rework Madison's views, exchanged several drafts with Washington, and the final product bears his imprint, particularly on foreign policy matters. Through an analysis of this correspondence, Gilbert is able to trace these views regarding limited American engagement in the world from the theorists to their eventual place in the address.
To the Farewell Address is a short, succinct account of the progress of an idea that has had great impact on American foreign policy. It is an important read for anyone interested in understanding the roots of U.S. foreign policy.
As some declare Washington to be the new Rome, it is important to remember from whence we come. But as Gilbert notes in the final paragraph, the standard view of the Farewell Address as a purely isolationist warning is flawed:
"Because the Farewell Address comprises various aspects of American political thinking, it reaches beyond any period limited in time and reveals the basic issue of the American attitude toward foreign policy: the tension between Idealism and Realism. Settled by men who looked for gain and by men who sought freedom, born into independence in a century of enlightened thinking and of power politics, America has wavered in her foreign policy between Idealism and Realism, and her great historical moments have occurred when both were combined."
Gilbert discusses how ideas about foreign policy in the eighteenth century related to actual US diplomacy. Although the Latin headings of some chapters may be intimidating, the prose is not. The book flows and does not lose momentum in exhaustive analysis or a burdensome number of pages. At 169 pages, this book can be finished in a weekend.
Gilbert focuses on the period from 1776 to 1796, culminating with Washington's Farewell Address. In doing so, Gilbert provides depth and insight to this formative period of US diplomacy. The roots, context, and controversies of US diplomacy from 1776 to 1796 are described and explained in the book. Much of Gilbert's analysis is still relevant to this day. In general, the book is a scholarly, yet short and enjoyable read.
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Born into a large family of deer, Bambi is not yet congnizant that he is the son of a prince. More observant and thougtful than the other fawns, young Bambi learns many harsh lessons about survival against Nature, other animals, and most of all Man--described as the ubiquitous, merciless predator with the pale face, HE. After winning his beloved Faline, Bambi matures over the seasons; but an essential part of his education is provided by his solitary mentor, the old stag. Can Bambi learn enough from him (and other species) to save his family from hated humankind, or will he study merely for his own self-preservation?
Beneath the author's charming tale in which animals act and sound much like the humans they fear, there remains a serious underlying theme: man' wanton destruction of the forest for sport or amusement. Hinting at our moral obligation Salten subtly shames us--and our faithful pets--for blatant disregard or disrespect of nature. Disney's version is fine, but until you have read the original, you don't really Know Bambi. A story of personal growth and a gentle study in compassion, for readers of all ages.
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I think that even if you didn't like the movie that much, this book has plenty of information about the history of Pearl Harbor so I'm sure you would be satisfied with it. Enjoy!