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Disorder, Kelling & Coles argue, breeds many things in a community: fear on the part of residents; further disorder; and eventually "serious" crime. Disorder promotes decay as streets cease to be areas where community standards are enforced, or where those standards are to the detriment of the majority of the members of the community.
From Kelling & Coles perspective, before the 60's, police were far more integrated with the communities they served, in part by virtue of regular contact with residents as they walked beats. This enabled them to have a much better understanding of the particular needs and standards of the communities they work in. Even more importantly, it allowed them to prevent crime, rather than simply respond to it.
The police of today, Kelling and Coles argue, are not only not efective at reducing disorder, they are ineffective at preventing crime, and not terribly good at responding to crime. The 911 model limits police contact with the general citizenry, and prevents them from developing the kinds of relationship that allow them to intervene effectively without resorting to overtly coercive or threatening behaviors.
One particular study cited by Kelling and Coles stands out to me, in which they looked at fear, one of the crucial factors in their model. Robert Trojanowicz(1982), they report, found that officers alone on foot patrol were less fearful that officers patrolling two to a car in the same areas.
Kelling & Coles supply not only examples of what they consider successful and unsuccessful attempts at order maintenance proograms, they also review the legal foundation for such activities, as well as the legal challenges to such efforts as "aggressive panhandling" ordinances. Their analysis helps a lay reader understand different burdens that a law might come under in order to show that it is attempting to meet a compelling government interest, as well as how limitations on personal behavior may be legally justified in the interest of preserving safe & orderly public fora.
The main weakness of the book, and the argument, in my opinion, is the lack of adequate examination of how community power struggles and class issues will likely play out in the development of community standards of behavior for an area. It is a very significant concern that the order police may have helped in the past, while they were more integrated into their communities, was a much more segregated one, where being the wrong color in the wrong neighborhood was disorderly enough to merit attention. This is not a fatal flaw in the book, nor in the idea of community policing, but establishing adequate internal controls and external oversight deserves much more attention.

"Broken windows" over the intervening 18 years has become a commonplace of public policy. Most writers neglect even to cite Wilson and Kelling as its creator. However, as is the case when an attractive idea migrates from the terrain of scholars to the public marketplace, the notion has come to mean many different things for many different commentators.
IN FWB, Kelling & Coles set the definition stratight, in lucid, concrete policy analysis and writing. Most importantly, the book serves as a highly-readable manual for practitioners. The power of the idea is expressed through the success stories it has spwawned, from the NYC subways to the streets of Seattle. All serious students of public safety policy and the policing process must read it.



One strong point is that Flexner successfully presents a balanced portrait of Washington. Any bias from the author is thankfully masked from the reader. When Washington deserves criticism or censure, the author soberly dispenses it. Praise and plaudits are similarly given. If you are deeply interested in Washington's early years, this is an adequate and trustworthy source. But if you are merely dabbling in Washington and prefer a swifter narrative, then this is not a recommended selection.

As with most of us, we have a mental picture of Washington as an Icon in our schoolrooms as we grew up, but Flexner paints a picture through words of a man. Not much different than you or I, but the times and circumstances are extraordinarilly different. A man subject to the vulnerabilities of life, energetic, somewhat impulsive, gullible to an extent, put into situations of leadership ill prepared but always seemed to prevail. A man using his resourses to forge a respectable life for himself, a resoursful man to make life better through deeds and enterprises.
This first volume takes us through the first forty-three years of Washington's life with detail and scholarship, the author gives us a glimpse into the society, family, and events that shaped Washington for the future as America's foremost leader early on, as a new nation is forged.
I found that this first volume to be full of interesting details and is accurate for the youthful Washington. Engrossing, adequate, accurate, but the writing style is again straight forward and factually solid leaving the reader with the impression of early experiences of history classes past... needing a breath of life.
The overall scholarship rated a 5 star, even in light of rather heavy writing style.


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Marshall scoured Scott's unpublished diaries and other sources (all thankfully listed in a comprehensive bibliography) before embarking on four sparate trips. The most straightforward of these was a journey from Rangoon upriver to the old imperial capital of Mandalay and then into the some of the hinterlands. Another trip involved travlling through northern Thailand to the border, where ethnic Shan rebels are attempting to resist Burmese army genocide. A third trip took him from northern Thailand across the border and into the hills near the Laotian and Chinese border. And the most harrowing trip involved slipping across the Chinese border and into ethnic Wa territory where he searches for a legendary lake from which the Wa say they evolved from tadpoles. These trips are crisply related, intertwined with accounts of Scott's travels and life, and background history.
While Marshall certainly doesn't defend British colonialism, he does credit it for introducing modernity to the region and for creating a nation-allbeit juryrigged -from disparate tribes. Marshall lays Burma/Myanmar's current status as human rights disaster area and its herion-exporting based economy firmly at the feet of a military junta that seized power in 1962 and has held an iron grip on the country ever since. An iron grip that is assisted by ethnic Wa drug lords, whose operations rival that of their more famous Colombian counterparts. Burma/Myanmar's economy is wholy dependent on the exporting of illegal drugs by Wa drug lords in collusion with the military. Historically this has been heroin, but in recent years, mehtamphedamine and ecstacy production is said to rival the most sophisticated European operations, and the drug lords have branched out into music and software piracy. With the country's money and guns all linked together in such tidy self-perpetuating interests, it's difficult to see how the stanglehold will ever be broken short of outside intervention.

I have visited Burma in the past few years and Marshall's descriptions of people and places were quite evocative of what I saw. Hopefully, the same will be true for other readers, regardless of whether they have traveled there or not.

Focusing on Sir George Scott, British Empire-builder of a hundred years ago, Marshall paints a vivid picture of Burma today. His writing is extraordinarily full of life, leading the reader from sympathy to outrage, from suspense to laughter. This is not a book you want to give to someone recuperating from surgery: Marshall is one of the funniest writers I have ever read, and would play havoc on surgical stitches.
One point I would like to debate: his discussion of the Kayan/Padaung families working for the Hupin Hotel in Yawnghwe/Nyaungshwe. I know the family that runs the Hupin personally -- several branches of the clan, actually, and count several of the staff among my friends. Yes, they are not running the hotel for their health, and yes, they are making a profit, but in all sincerity, I do not think their dealings with the Kayan are as heartless as Marshall depicts.
There are two families of Kayan by Inle Lake. Marshall met the ones hired by the Hupin, not those moved in by the government. The Hupin went into the mountains and made a deal with the family: they would build a house for them, give the men jobs in factories around Yawnghwe, the women would work for the hotel, and the kids would go to school at Hupin's expense. They are paid monthly salaries and medical expenses, and any weddings and what-not are paid for by the Hupin. Some of the children have reached high school, and are still going strong. Few children in the countryside get so much schooling. One little girl envied all the attention her big sister got from tourists because of the rings on her neck. The little girl raised such a fuss that her parents agreed to let her have rings on her neck, even though she had not reached the traditional age for that. BTW: she refuses to go to school.
The price for a photo with the Padaung is US$3: this is split 3 ways, between the guide, the hotel, and the Padaung (US$1 is a good day's wage for someone working in Yangon, a week's salary for the countryside.) The Padaung are free to go back to Kayah state. When they go, they bring handicrafts back to the hotel, which they sell to tourists; this money goes into their own pockets. My friends from the Hupin asked the Kayan to lower the price of the bracelets I was buying, and let me tell you, it was a struggle! These are not listless zombies meekly obeying a master's wishes.
Marshall describes a concrete compound. I am not sure what he is talking about, unless it is the area outside their compound, beyond the bamboo bridge. Their wooden house was built Kayan style, in accordance with their specific wishes. They are an extremely conservative tribe. Marshall makes much of the women not leaving their compound. The Padaung are shy people, and the women do not speak Burmese, so they are not willing to range far. Also, I have heard from separate, unrelated sources that there is a danger for Padaung women to roam, because there have been cases of their being -- not exactly kidnapped, but taken off for show in Europe.
Marshall says "the hotel staff member broke into a practiced spiel." We may not be talking about the same man, I did not speak English with the Padaung man I went with, but I suspect the "practiced spiel" may be memorized word for word by someone who speaks minimal English, and may not have confidence in leaving the beaten path.
I deeply feel that the Hupin is more than fair in its dealings with its staff, whether they be Burman, Shan, Chinese, Kayan, or others. When I told the Hupin family what Marshall had written about them, they were quite hurt. Frankly, they are making enough money from tourists, they do not feel the need to exploit the workers. Marshall went to Burma expecting to see the disadvantaged being exploited, so when he saw the disadvantaged, he assumed they must be getting exploited. In the case of the Hupin, I can vouch that he was wrong.
All in all, though, this is an excellent picture of Burma, including parts most of us will never see. I hope Marshall is hard at work on his next book. This is an author to keep an eye on.

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He is cognizant of the dangers posed to American self-government, which values legal equality. Equality, is a virtue, only insofar as it pertains to equal rights and equality before the law. Any effort at establishing equality of outcome is tantamount to tyranny and opposed to liberty. Cooper illustrates the precarious relationship between liberty and equality. Unless, tradition, custom, the rule of law and the Constitution are revered and upheld- the American Polity could easily collapse into majoritarian tyranny under a demagogue.
One gains an appreciation of the system of government established by the American founding fathers after reading this book... They established a constitutionally-limited federal republic, with limits not only on the power of government, but with limits placed on the power of majority rule, so as to limit the fundamental role of government to protecting the rights of its citizens. This constitutional republic sought to balance out monarchial, democratic, and aristocratic elements...

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If you're interested in a better education reform book, I would recommend Hirsch's "The Schools We Need and Why We Don't Have Them" or Harvey's "It Takes a City."
I'd like to be more positive, but the book is mediocre at best.



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Mr. Carson holds a minor place in California history, having been an early inhabitant, gold panner, and explorer for whom some landmarks are named. He is not writing as someone concerned with his place in history, as a Stanford, Ralston or Hearst might have been. He is just telling it "like it is," or at least as he sees things to be.
And that is what makes this work so interesting. It is anything but politically correct. He speaks of the native Indian population in fairly disparaging terms that, I gather, were typical of the time. He defends the lynch mobs. Conversely, he complains of the racist Foreign Miners Tax as discouraging the immigration of Chinese miners. Go figure.
Better yet, don't try to figure it at all. Just take him for what he was . . . a man of his time. And, if you have an interest in California history and, especially, the Gold Rush, you'll probably enjoy having this book in your library.


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The twin pillars Lundenberg advocates for MDs to regain the trust and confidence of the American public are limiting access to the health-care system and limiting organ transplants to one per patient.
Lundenberg fails to address the important health-care choices facing the public, including nutrition, diet, alternative treatments, and ever-increasing costs.
The book is written by an MD so close to the problems he cannot or will not honestly critique his profession.
Lundenberg's work is an insider's view of his own navel. It reads like a public relations piece rather than insightful examination of the issues and potential solutions in the public and private health-care arenas.


The FDA is complicit when they allow drugs to be approved that have known serious side-effects that can cause liver and kidney toxicity and death. The emergency room and specific surgeries and some drugs are life saving and necessary, and really this is medicine's finest hour. Fortunately American's are finding out that most medical doctors never understand the actual causes of their patient's symptoms, and to make things worse, the drugs given to treat these symptoms actually worsen the patient's problem by affecting the G.I. tract ecology and the ability of the liver to detoxify toxins from the environment. So called "alternative treatment" in the US is actually "treatment of choice" for the rest of the world. Acupuncture, herbs, diet changes, nutritional supplements all allow the body to heal itself even with the exvironmental and emotional stress we are all exposed to.
This book is a very important addition to the volumes of information currently available about the changing perspectives on the American healthcare system.
Corporate profit will always be at the core of our Earth's problems, because drug companies and oil companies are not concerned with health or the environment. Medicine is a religion, not a science as is claimed, and as more American's are beginning to figure this out, our approach to illness will change!
Read this book and get a lesson from a man that understands!

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First, the book does an excellent job of covering the entirety of rock history and drawing out its influences and evolutions. It does a wonderful job of covering the different local scenes and how they were integrated in with the whole of rock music. Whole chapters are generally rewarded to the most influential bands, and not just those that sold more album.
However, the book suffers a number of strong drawbacks. First, as many pointed out, the book is clearly slanted toward the Rolling Stone perspective. Artists such as Billy Joel, who have not had good relations with the magazine, have been omitted. Several others, such as Bob Seger, were also given no treatment. There is also a bit of redundent content, such as giving the Beatles two whole chapters and then devoting a third (British Invasion) to a primarily Beatles-related topic. Also, there are separate chapters on Motown and Stevie Wonder.
Secondly, the book is often skewed toward the "pop" scene when it comments on more current acts. Rolling Stone has been getting even worse about this in its magazine. One particular example that stands out is in the heavy metal section. My edition was published in 1991 and the writer heaps load and loads of praise upon such hair-metal acts as Motley Crue, Poison, Ratt and Warrant. Other, more talented but less popular metal acts, such as Metallica, are put down and summarily dismissed. However, we all know that if this were to have been written 5 years later, Rolling Stone would be worshipping Metallica and praising them for destroying such hair-bands. RS makes the mistake of "going with the flow" one too many times.
Overall - nice book, but with some obvious problems.

RS editors - in all fairness like most journalists - have an agenda, and accuracy and fairness in rock isn't exactly one of them. One writer (below) asked why Billy Joel was snubbed. Simple; RS and Joel have publically feuded for years so as far as RS is concerned, one of rock's greatest acts (and an inductee to the Rock Hall of Fame) doesn't exist. In the rock world according to Jann Wenner, there is no greater act in rock history than the Rolling Stones. They're certainly a bellweather act in rock history, but not "the greatest"...but that's how RS sees it, and apparently so should history.
So take what they say with a grain of salt, enjoy it for what it is (their fave-raves, as valid as the Listmania right here on Amazon) - cuz after all, it's only rock and roll.

In the 1960's the structure of cities had changed from that of the thirties. Suburbs had increased the physical size of cities and made old policing techniques such as street patrols difficult due to the lack of sufficient police officers. To deal with this a form of policing based on rapid response to emergency calls was substituted. That is a central control room would receive telephone calls from the victims of crime and they would have power to send a squad care to deal with the emergency.
The authors of this book suggest that such a strategy has failed. They quote a number of reasons for that but broadly what they say is that by the time police arrive the person who has committed the crime has left. In previous years crime detection would occur because police had links with a community. People would tell them what happened and they could investigate crimes with the cooperation of communities. The rapid response policy had the effect of severing contacts between police and communities. Especially in black and immigrant communities police seem to be outsiders.
What the book suggests is that the key to combating crime is to prevent the sort of decay which allows the development of a criminal culture. The absence of police from an area allows people to start committing minor crimes. These can be fare evasion or breaking windows. The existence of broken windows acts as a signal to criminals that they can move in.
The book uses as a proof of this thesis the work of William Bratton who headed the Transit Police in New York. His technique was to try to remove all forms of petty crime including fair evasion and illegal squatting on the underground train platforms. As his officers arrested fair evaders they found that they were arresting people who had warrants out for their arrest or who were carrying firearms. The realization of the risk of arrest meant that serious offenders tended to stay clear of the subway system. This in turn led to a collapse not only of fair evasion and graffiti offences but of robberies and assaults. The book thus suggests that by a zealous approach to preventing all offending the prevention of more serious crime follows.
It is actually interesting to read Bratton's autobiography Turnaround to have him recount what happened on the subways. He describes the situation when he took over the Transit Police as a force in chaos. The officers simply had stopped arresting people. They were dispersed in such a way that it was easy for fare evaders to avoid them. The officers also had a sense of being an inferior part of the police because their weapons and cars were different from other parts of the police force.
Bratton organized to give them bigger guns and cars to rebuild their morale but he also insisted that they arrest people. The mechanics of arrest prior to Bratton taking over were that if an offender was arrested he would have to be taken to a court and charged. This mean that an arrest would take hours. What Bratton told his officers to do was to arrest one offender handcuff him to a fence and then arrest more. This meant that each officer could increase the rate of arrests by about eight times what had previously been possible. As the police started to find the people they arrested had warrants out for serious matters or that they possessed firearms their morale improved as they felt they were doing something important rather than raising ticket revenue. When Bratton moved on to run the New York Police he did similar things. That is he used labor saving techniques to maximize the availability of police on the streets and used neighborhood crime reports to concentrate them in areas where they were needed.
The reality is that Bratton rather than using a particular strategy or technique has in the case of the Transit Police taken over a unit that was very poorly run and from an objective point of view on its last legs. With such a poorly run unit it is not surprising that the subway system had such crime problems. From this point of view the book is somewhat flawed as it suggests a rather over simplistic solution is available to problems which are complex. Still and interesting and readable book and one that has generated much debate.