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The paradox mentioned in the title refers to the unfortunate gap between Greece’s many endowments (democratic government, strategic geographic position, economic potential) and the way the country has failed to make the most of its gifts (top-heavy bureaucracy, feckless foreign policy, economic disequilibrium).
By way of introduction to the volume, Kalypso Nicolaidis starts off on a note of controlled optimism by asking if there really is a Greek paradox, a gap between promise and performance. Viewing the present moment as a window of opportunity for Greece that calls for analysis, introspection, vision, and leadership, she briefly shows how these elements are woven into the other articles.
In an article dealing with political issues, Nikoforos Diamandouros declares that the paradox (potential in contrast to achievement) is indeed real. He suggests that a comparison between the period from the 1950s to the 1970s and that from the mid 1970s to the present is essential to grasping the “logics” that might explain the disappointment characterizing the latter period.
The article by Misha Glenny was written in 1995 when the situation in the northern Balkans was “uncertain” and “troubled”. Glenny points out the absolute importance of Greek diplomatic initiatives and bilateral treaties as a means of maintaining peace and economic growth. He discusses the ineptitude of some Greek diplomatic maneuvers and the general unpreparedness of the foreign ministry for changes in the structure of Soviet and Yugoslav power.
Dimitris Keridis writes that the Greek economy is badly in need of structural reforms that cannot be carried out unless there are parallel efforts to get rid of a pervasive “political culture based on populism and clientelism” (read, alternatively, corruption and cronyism.) His analysis is informed and his conclusions strengthened by consideration of five distinct historical developments that have contributed to Greece’s current status as an economic underperformer in the European Union. Starting off with the underlying principle that states are supposed to “tax fairly to provide their citizens with a maximum of physical and a minimum of economic security and equal opportunities,” he identifies pressures in support of reform along with three specific areas at which reformist undertakings might effectively be directed: decentralization of policymaking; encouragement of accountability, hierarchy, and meritocracy in public administration; an increase in the independence and accountability of such institutions as the courts, the central bank, the universities, public utilities, and state companies; a strengthening of the civic dimension of Greek citizenship to include separation of church and state.
Further recommendations and suggestions for improving the economy and political leadership are put forth in the article by Basilios E. Tsingos. Greece could do a lot to enhance its diplomatic capital among the nations of the West, principally by abandoning it current belief that the world owes the Greeks a living (because of their historical contributions to the development of Western culture). This requires a shift from the language of “entitlement” to the idiom of “present-day interests.” The entire thrust of Greek foreign policy should be shifted away from the East and toward the West. The nation should make stronger efforts at image-building in the West. (Endowing a few chairs of Hellenic studies at Western universities would not be a bad idea.) Reform of the electoral system is indicated to render the central government stronger and more effective. This would involve doing away with the current system of “proportional representation.” And finally, private initiative should be encouraged and government entrepreneurial involvement diminished.
Alexis Papahelas also takes up the theme of structural reform in politics and economics and mentions the deep-seated cynicism and inertia that characterize contemporary Greek society. He proposes the establishment of an independent, privately funded foundation made up of homeland Greeks as well as members of the Diaspora. This would serve as a think tank to analyze all aspects of public life and make recommendations to government and other public institutions.
In his contribution (Chapter 9), F. Stephen Larabee examines five issues touching on Greece’s potential as a leader among the nations of the Balkan Peninsula. Susan L. Woodward also considers Greece in its Balkan context and points out some lessons that have been, or should have been learned from the wars in Yugoslavia.
In the concluding essay Loukas Tsoukalis offers a “subjective interpretation” of the Greek paradox. He follows the logic of the whole undertaking by saying that prescription should follow diagnosis but tries to steer clear of writing a political manifesto. He continues with the reformist agenda and zeroes in on politics, economics and foreign relations as areas of public life that need serious attention. His “prescriptions” are well worth careful study.
This book is an indispensable work for anyone interested in modern Greece, and it could well serve as an important work of reference. Highly recommended
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In each country the story is told slowly and carefully from the time of the Treaty of Versailles (though with plenty of pre-Versailles context) through the onset of economic depression to the end of World War II and beyond. Beleaguered governments, some cynical and some less so, try to navigate between politically powerful landed classes, disenfranchised but sizable groups of peasants, and, in Hungary at least, an important and largely Jewish middle class, with Hitler's shadow growing all the while. Horthy and other Hungarian politicians come out of this looking pretty bad, as does Carol of Romania, while Romania's Antonescu appears as a decent man trying to cope with an increasingly hopeless domestic and international situation (his current posthumous role as a hero and symbol of the Greater Romania party notwithstanding).
All in all, this is a remarkable book. I don't know to what degree it was "revised and updated" from the 1970 original before its author's recent death. Readers interested in this part of the world or this period of history will find it quite valuable.
Other recommendations:
1. On the historical background in Romania, Paul Michelson, Romanian Politics 1859-1971 (Center for Romanian Studies, 1998) and Frederick Kellogg, The Road to Romanian Independence (Purdue, 1995)
2. On the tightening of the German and Russian noose around Romania, and the vain Romanian hopes for Western (especially French) intervention, Alexandru Cretzianu, Relapse into Bondage: Political Memoirs of a Romanian Diplomat 1918-1947 (Center for Romanian Studies, 1998)
3. On life in Romania during this period, the remarkable Journal 1935-1944: The Fascist Years, by Mihail Sebastian (Ivan R. Dee, 2000)
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If you are looking for a very detailed book on the Balkans,and it's many ethnic groups,and their histories,then this is the book.It is an indispensable reference material for any serious student of Balkan affairs,which are rooted in historical claims.
The book aptly starts with the ancient Greeks and gives a very detailed account of all of the Balkan peoples,including the long forgotten ancient ones such as the Dacian/Getae,Scythian,Vlach's and many more.This book has substantial histories of the Greeks,Bulgarians,Serbs,Rumanian's,and Turks.And also has specific accounts of these aforementioned Slavic peoples won their independance from the Ottoman Turks.Moving on through the Balkan War's,WW1 and WW2,and ending with a synopsis of the Balkan States since 1950 by Mr. Spector.Many maps are also included in the pages of this book,and help in making the reader understand every one of the Balkan peoples yearning for their previously "Great" state.
Harris doesn't spare us as he shows us the pictures of both human and physical destruction of a land of beauty. When we view those pictures we see faces of grief, despair and rage. At the same time we see hope, courage, laughter and the spirit of tenaciousness as a people attempt to rebuild their lives in the midst of a senseless war. When we see these pictures we see the ugliness of our humanity. Bosnia reflects the beast which is within us as the "world" allowed slaughter to go on as is asserted in the text. If anything Cry Bosnia can teach us to move beyond our negative spirits and recover the good from within us. Such a reflection from a war should move us to be more accountable to one another as our world gets smaller and smaller.