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And just in the nick of time.
Sundry groups of nationalists take an interest in claiming the Vlachoi because they manifest in their wide settlements the confirmation or rejection of nationalist ambitions for neighboring territories. Romanian and Greek historians, for example, continue to vie for international recognition of their claims that they are the physical progenitors of the Vlachs; if Vlachs are the sons and daughters of Greeks, then Greeks have that much further claim on historically disputed Romanian lands.
The historical Vlach is perhaps better understood than the modern Vlach. They can at least claim the minds and pens of the Byzantine chroniclers; Anna Comnena wrote from her diary that the appearance of the Vlachs coincided with the Pechineg invasion of 1091 AD, and she supposes they are the lucky descendents of those "who lived to see May." But their citation in Byzantine history is enigmatic, as well: they are often fighting for and against the Eastern Roman Empire simultaneously, making them frontier pariah.
In many ways the enigmatic historical narrative of the Vlachs has not changed. They stand apart from the nation states they live in. "Under the Turkish Empire," Winnifrith writes, "the vlachs [sic] were just one more subject race; in the nation states of Albania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece they are a discouraged minority."
Winnifrith has written a traveler's tale: he returns to the mysterious northern Pindus range to revive a smoldering fascination for these anachronistic people, said, by his own account of the fascination, to have begun innocently enough on a bus ride through rural Greece. A! rmed with census reports, several centuries of other traveler's tales, and the slim scholarly works of his predecessors, Winnifrith visits the remaining communities and investigates their strategies for survival. Winnifrith's own hypothesis for the origin of the sedulous Vlach does not fall far from the Chestnut tree: Vlachs are not the descendents of garrisons along the via egnatia; but are the descendents of fallen garrisons further south combined with brigands of defeated Goths who teamed with the Romans and willingly accepted their language.
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"Kosovo: a short history" is remarkable in its clear, readable prose. This is not a dull text. And the region and its history should have been better known to the West. Right through the book, well-known historical figures make cameo appearances. My favourite was a fellow who in 1912 or 1913 was " shocked by the evidence he encountered of atrocities by Serbian and Bulgarian forces." The fellow would later become better known as Leon Trotsky. But the book is full of these oddities. It isn't surpising. Look at a map and Kosovo was an overland route to the Middle East - and a bulwark of the Ottoman Empire against Western and Central Europe: Christian Europe. I should have known all this much earlier, but - like most western educated historians - I didn't pay enough attention.
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Critics of "The Fall of Yugoslavia" shoot at this book due to the fact that it is opinionated, and that it does not focus on the entire period. These criticisms are, however, inapposite. The book focuses on the period that it covers -- the descent into war. It was never intended to focus on the outcome of these wars, and criticising it for that reason is inappropriate. Similarly, the charges of bias are inappopriate as well. Glenny is neither pro-Serb nor anti-Serb, pro-Croat nor anti-Croat. In a complex conflict laced with villains on all sides, Glenny's courageous effort to avoid portraying things in "black and white" is hardly a sign of bias, but rather a refreshing sign of realism in journalism. Rather than succumbing to the tendency in the Western media of demonizing one party to the conflict in toto, Glenny presents a more nuanced picture -- which is admittedly more complex, but certainly closer to the truth.
Glenny's work is strengthened by his fluid writing, his lucid skills of description and analysis and his balanced viewpoint. One feels as if one were there with Glenny, which is at times rather frightening. Together with Brian Hall's "The Impossible Country", this book excels in its ability to give one the sense of what it was like to be there as Yugoslavia slid into oblivion.
Other good compliments to this book include the chronologically arranged "Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation" (jammed with as many facts as you can bear) and Glenny's recent magnum opus history of the region "The Balkans".
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I was a bit intimidated at first by this book. I've taken a class on Balkan history (which wasn't very good) but didn't think I was well prepared to dive into dense explanations of Serbian history. I'm much more familiar with Albanian history, which does overlap with Serb history somewhat, but not enough to make me an expert on Yugoslavia. I had no need to worry, as Mr. Judah made this book easy to follow. He keeps the information flowing and only focuses on major figures, which helps keep events in perspective. I would expect that even someone with zero knowledge of the region would be able to keep pace with this book.
Judah's main argument is that the wars in fractured Yugoslavia aren't due exclusively to nationalism, but mostly to greedy, powerful politicians that are exploiting the Serbian people to make themselves wealthy. Judah does acknowledge that the Serbian people have a long history of nationalistic tendencies, and he explains this tendency in some detail in the first part of the book. This nationalism was carried down through time by the Serbian Orthodox Church,which acted as both a preserver of culture and a bulwark during the long occupation of Serbia by the Ottoman Turks. Judah also shows how Serbian epic poetry that retold the tales of Serb martyrs Milos Obilic and Prince Lazar reinforced the idea of the Serbian people as victims who would one day receive their just rewards. Politicians such as Slobodan Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic used this victimhood to launch wars against Croatia and Bosnia. Behind the scenes, politicians, in league with mafia-type gangs, were looting the country. Judah even reveals that some Serb military officers were selling weapons to the enemy during these fierce wars.
Judah is at his best when he is describing the Bosnian Serb government in Pale during the Bosnian war. He shows how ineffective they were in conducting a war, and also how corrupt they were. He also exposes the atrocities that were committed by Serbian militias that detained Muslims in camps and carried out mass executions.
I had several problems with this book. First, Judah has a definite bias against the Serbs. Judah sees the Serbs as the major destructive force behind all of the conflicts in the region. But the Serbs weren't operating in a vacuum. Croatians and Muslims also committed atrocities and should be held in equal contempt if one wants to start throwing human rights charges about. Also, Mr. Judah doesn't seem to grasp the concept of war very well. War is an ugly thing, and atrocities are always committed by everyone involved. That's why it's called war. Also, war profiteering always occurs during a conflict. The Serbs by no means have a lock on this particular bit of unpleasant behavior. To try and paint them as such is irreponsible, in my opinion. Also, Judah heaps much scorn on Sonja Karadzic. Judah says that she hurt the Bosnian Serb cause by refusing journalists access to areas the journalists wanted to see. This is an error. Sonja didn't hurt the cause. The journalists did. This is a standard media trick. When the media doesn't get what they want, they throw a fit and the next thing you know, they start smearing people. In the final analysis, it's important to remember that the vast majority of Serbs only want to live and raise their families like everyone else. If anything, Judah proves the old truth that it is always politicians that start wars, and it is the people who suffer from them. Finally, I wish this book had better maps! The ones that are included aren't sufficient. Hopefully, future reprints will repair this deficiency.
I really shouldn't bash the book too much, though. It inspired me enough to go out and by a biography on Tito. I'd also like to read Judah's book on Kosova. I recommend this book for its reader friendly, if somewhat misguided, introduction to Serbia and her wonderful people.