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Also, the notes on the text, as is unfortunately so common, give away major plot points. I would strongly advise anyone reading for pleasure rather than scholarship skip the notes, or read them only once you've finished the book.
That said, Phineas Finn was a wonderful read. I began Trollope with Can You Forgive Her?, and while I did like it, I liked Phineas so much more. Unlike many male novelists of the period (especially those who were, as Trollope, embraced at the time), he demonstrates a sympathy for and understanding of the difficult choices presented to the women of his time, and does not shrink from presenting women who are intelligent, complex, and quite at home in the political world of London. Lady Laura Standish, Miss Violet Effingham, and Madame Max Goesler might each have been the heroines of their own novels--indeed, their complexities and the depths of their emotional and political lives throw Phineas's own lack of depth and complexity into relief. And by that I don't mean that Trollope nodded while writing his hero, but that he rather deftly endowed him with indifferent qualities as compared to the women his life.
I wouldn't give away the ending of the novel, but I confess I was a little disappointed in Phineas's final choice. Trollope was, after all, a Victorian gentleman, and perhaps he must be forgiven for wrapping up his hero's adventures in what seemed to me rather a prosaic way. I have yet to read Phineas Redux, and perhaps that sequel may redeem Mr. Finn yet.
The virtues of the book lie in part in its presentation of the social complexities of the British upper class in 1860s. While a political history of the period could explain the various ins and outs of the major pieces of legislation dealt with at the time, Trollope shows us how many individuals at the time actually felt about these issues from the inside. In this way, Trollope performs a service that no historian ever could. Virtually all the major political figures of the time, from Gladstone to Disraeli appear under thinly veiled aliases.
But the true heart of the book is Trollope's great characters. I absolutely love Jane Austen. She is one of my two or three favorite writers. But sometimes I find the enormous propriety of her characters to be a tad tiring. In these way her characters, as magnificent as they otherwise might be, sometimes seem a little less than fully human. Trollope's characters, on the other hand, often fail to act with complete propriety. They do improper things, and feel improper emotions. Our hero falls in love with one woman, then another, feels attraction to another, and falls in love with yet another, and in general fails in his role as a great romantic hero. A woman marries someone she doesn't love, yet retains feelings for another, and suffers from the threat of a bad marriage. Another woman is attracted to two men, and must decide which. Two close friends love the same woman. I find all this emotional complexity to be extremely compelling.
Trollope's most compelling and interesting characters are nearly all female. In the book, Lord Chiltern seems cardboardish and unbelievable, the title character likable but not terribly vivid. But whenever Lady Laura, or Madame Goesler, or Violet Effingham take the stage, the novel comes to life. This is not unique to this novel. In nearly all his books, Trollope's most compelling characters are female.
If we could give half stars, I would give this one four and a half stars because of the weak ending. But I will stick with five rather than four, partly because the rest of the book easily makes up for the weakish ending, and one can view the excellent PHINEAS REDUX as the real ending of the novel. Either way, I heartily recommend the novel.
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I read this book over a weekend because I simply could not put it down. I enjoy the way the story was told. Our country should thank the FBI, Bob Hunter, and his team for their professionalism in catching America's most damaging spy.
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On the good side, I found the application of "Symbolism" to the Egyptian hieroglyphics intriguing. West shows rather nicely (though I would like to see more conventional views in their original context) how literal translations of Old Kingdom pyramid texts seem like complete gibberish, and most likely do not do justice to the people who wrote them. The symbolic translation appears more believable.
On the bad side, West is not reticent about engaging in rants against what he terms the "Church of Progress," meaning the belief in technological and scientific advancement as the measure of human accomplishment, and the depradations of modern society (which, he boldly asserts, is not a civilization) on the human soul. One does not have to be a Luddite to have some sympathy with this view, but its application to studies of ancient Egypt, with the conclusion that this long-lost civilization was far more advanced (in a non-technological sense) than our own, seems misplaced. It is odd, after all, that after castigating modern Egyptologists for the "flimsy" reasoning behind, for example, the conventional dating of the Sphinx, West should use evidence even more flimsy to claim that the ancient Egyptians were healthier than "Western" man, or that they had knowledge of pi, phi, and the zodiac. At best, West's harping on the "Church of Progress" is simply annoying. At worst, he seems unable to recognize when his own prejudices are coloring a too-rosy picture of the past for which there is no evidence.
As for the ugly, West's creationism prompts him to unleash several baseless attacks on Darwinian evolution. Usually, his rants concern the application of evolutionary principles, which were really only meant to apply to the origin and extinction of species over great spans of geological time, to human societies. Certainly, Darwinian evolution has been overextended in non-biological arenas, but the fact of evolution is simply not contestable on rational grounds. West's scientific credentials are compromised further by his claim that astrology has some basis in observable phenomena. It is in these subjects that "Serpent in the Sky" degenerates into complete drivel.
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Basically, it is a true crime novel, but it is written with warmth, humor, and a remarkable eye for detail. Berendt takes the reader behind velvet curtains and antique walls into a society where pedigree is based as much on lineage, wealth, and power as on quirky southern traditions like knowing how to serve a fine platter of tomato sandwiches.
Forget Eastwood's oddly disappointing film; this book is quite marvelous. True crime lover? You will enjoy the book's steamy setting and colorful characters, an almost poetic break from the repetitive and merely competant writings by the likes of Ann Rule. Aristocracy - watcher? You will savour the odd little schemes and intrigues exposed without any hint of malice. The tragic saga of one man's extraordinary ascent into high society is presented amidst many delicious (and often hilarious) vignettes of all levels of Savannah's class structure. The author beautifully describes Savannah's magic, mystery, and achingly sad decay. Really, it is a fine tribute to this historic city of likeable conmen, sexy ne'er-do-wells, conniving politicians, and obsessive hostesses.
It's a real page-turner, a good companion if you are planning to visit Savannah.
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JEH's first action, after becoming Director, was to clean up the Bureau. During his reign corruption among FBI agents was unheard of - a rare achievement in any police force. But he also avoided policing drug traffic because of the risk of corruption (p.50). JEH also denied the existence of organized crime; Chpaters 21-23 explain why.
JEH benefited greatly under FDR, a fellow Mason. From the Civil War the Secret Service (as its name implies) handled counter-intelligence; FDR re-assigned this to the FBI for reasons of state and his own political benefit (p.105). The FBI soon began to conduct political intelligence: investigating striking mill workers (whose benefit?), the ACLU, the American Nazi movement, etc. These matters had nothing to do with law enforcement. (When the FBI was created in 1908, those who voted against it said it would become a Secret Police on the European model.) Spying on Americans would be pursued "with the utmost degree of secrecy"; there was no written official memorandum. JEH created a "Custodial Detention List" of people who would be jailed in time of war. It included Harrison Salisbury of the New York Times - as an alleged Nazi employee (p.108)! FDR also authorized uncontrolled wiretapping by the FBI (p.113). Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon also used his wiretaps (p.115).
Pages 122-129 retell the story of Dusan Popov and his 1941 interview with JEH. Popov was a Nazi spy and British double agent who was sent to Pearl Harbor to gather information for the Japanese attack. The failure to use this information is presented as a great mistake. But the publication of Robert B. Stinnett's "Day of Deceit" shows a reason for this seeming mistake.
Pages 145-147 tell about the surveillance on Joseph Lash. When FDR was informed of his alleged affair with Eleanor, he ordered the soldiers in the unit sent to fight in the front lines!
Chapter 20 tells how Hoover and Tolson were guilty of federal offenses: private use of government property, accepting gifts from lesser-paid employees. They could have been dismissed and given ten years.
Pages 270-273 tell how JFK chose LBJ as vice-president. Pages 290-294 discusses the rumors about JFK's first marriage. Page 335 quotes high-level officials who suggest JEH was senile in his late 60s; to justify the mandatory retirement at 70?
Page 365 discusses the evidence in Senator RF Kennedy's assassination: "twelve or more bullets were fired. Sirhan's gun was capable of firing only eight". Two gunmen were involved! The autopsy of RFK said he was killed by a bullet fired into the back of his head from a distance of 2.5 inches; all the eyewitnesses said Sirhan was firing from the front and never closer than 6 feet.
Chapter 34 tells of Nixon's attempts to fire JEH; Nixon couldn't. Nixon denied that it was due to blackmail, but Kissinger tells a different story (p.405). JEH was bugging Nixon in more ways that one (p.407).
This book gives the backstage view to people who only saw it from the audience.
He blackmailed all members of Congress and all the presidents he could, by letting them know that he possessed compromising documents about them. It must be said that some people were easy targets.
Anthony Summers did a formidable job. His book is based on a wealth of references.
It is a must read, because it describes a perfect example of how one single person through his organization could exercise nearly unlimited power in a democratic country.
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The book is organized brilliantly; touching on all aspects of the life of Pythagoras and his teachings, ranging from knowledge and friendship, mathematics, music, care of the self and magic and miracles. Particular attention is devoted to the Pythagorian community and the followers of his teachings during his relatively long stay on the planet, (he nearly reached the age of one hundred) until his enforced death by his enemies through starvation, while taking asylum in the temple of the Muses.
At the end of the book is written The Golden Verses, a poetic guideline or introduction to the Pythagorean way of life. In a word, this is an ancient 'self-help' treatise that should be posted on one's shaving mirror, and attempted to be practiced everyday. If you do anything at all, read these ancient verses, as they are inspiring and valuable to living. As the authors state about them: "That they are hard to date with accuracy attests to the fact that they convey timeless truths."
As a starting point to the study of philosophy or just mere curiousity about the source of the famous Pythagorean Theorem, Divine Harmony is a valuable book to read and own.
This book is recommended highly.
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I recommend this book because it puts flesh onto the bones of the clinical terminology of borderline personality disorder: How irrational fear of abandonment translates into raging arguments because a spouse starts to leave for work in the morning; how black and white thinking means one can literally do nothing right for the borderline; how anger lurks just under the surface of everything.
That said, there are at least four shortcomings in this book:
First, the hardest part comes after the relationship is over because the borderline both undermines the spouse's confidence and leaves land mines from overdue library books to seduced business associates. Walker doesn't discuss this.
Second, Walker recalls on numerous occasions which wine was being drunk. Borderlines often target high-achieving alcoholic men and Walker's frequent references make one ask whether he might have a problem.
Third, the central crisis for Walker in this book is that he admits slapping his borderline wife on one occasion. That may well be true, but if it is, he is unusual. Many borderlines insist on acting out masochistic roles and can readily inspire enough anger in their partners to gratify the impulse..
This is a worthwhile read, particularly for anyone, man or woman,
who has experienced a close relationship with a borderline. It is some comfort that others have walked the same path.
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pickledjoe
Mafia members sworn to kill like himself
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1. Getting your foot in the door (of a world that is so foreign to you that it may as well be OZ) and
2. Money negotiations (how does one actually sit down and talk money with people of this stature)?
Both of these extremely difficult issues are addressed along with so much more.
I found this guide to be an informative read as well as an honest straightforward peak into the world of celebrity fan clubs.
Perhaps the easiest way to approach the political critique at the heart of this novel is by defining the operative assumptions underlying representative politics in general. In theory, representative government is intended to grant the citizenry a say in legislative process, albeit indirectly. A particular representative is supposed to vote on a piece of proposed legislation in such a way that reflects the greater concerns of his constituency. Prior to the events of Phineas Finn, British representative government is grappling with the issue of whom to extend the franchise based on the criteria of real wealth, property, region of origin, etc. One thus gets the sense that the presence of such exclusionary criteria betrays a rather Platonic distaste for general democracy on the part of the parliament ministers. Thus, in creating a system of barriers or gateways between the public at large and the legislative apparatus, the governing body reduces the potential for an anarchic clamor of myriad and wide-ranging interests on the part of the citizenry, which could potentially derail the legislative process altogether. As a result a properly civic-minded representative may always act for the good of his constituency by exercising his judgment, regardless of whether or not his vote conflicts with his constituents' desires. In other words, built into this system of government is the elitist conviction that the governed may be at times too unruly to exercise its franchise prudently. Therefore, by withholding the franchise from those deemed too ignorant to vote wisely (a determination based on various socioeconomic considerations), and by inserting elected officials between the enfranchised and the legislative apparatus itself, government achieves a normative regularity.
However, with the implementation of such a system of governments also come opportunities to exploit and abuse the system. A certain aphorism-- which I attribute to Michel Foucault, though I am not entirely certain that it is indeed his-- comes to mind: "a system is defined by what escapes it." In other words, because a system results from the desire to perpetuate the plane of consistency from which it emerges, the system must necessarily exclude that which is inconsistent with its purpose. Therefore, around any system arises a margin of excluded possibilities and potentialities; however, those dedicated to the system seek to refine it in such a way as to increase its power to envelop and re-absorb that which it had originally pushed to its margins. Thus any system exists in a state of perpetual refinement because it aims to absorb back into itself that which has escaped it into the margins.
Into such a system steps the young and callow Phineas Finn, a man who is indeed marginal in that he is Irish and a commoner, and it is that position of marginality which the system seeks to incorporate into itself. However, one must understand that the system does not incorporate into itself those who dwell at its margins in order to empower them. Rather, it seeks to neutralize the threateningly unregulated marginality that individuals like Phineas Finn represent by bringing them into its regulatory, normalizing regime, and as we shall soon see, this is precisely what almost happens to Phineas.
With the above in mind, one may ask if whether there is any real benefit to entering such a system, if it is indeed essentially neutralizing and normalizing. I answer provisionally that the system into which Phineas enters, i.e., British Parliament, conceals its regulatory, homogenizing and neutralizing essence beneath a seductive veneer of power and celebrity, and it is this veneer to which Phineas succumbs. That is, it seems that at first a government office offers one the ability to satisfy one's desires, because it is a forum policymaking that also generates a cult of celebrity, and I need not explain the advantages of being a celebrity. Therefore, although we may initially think Phineas one lucky devil, we soon discover that Phineas's various political adventures are characterized by the necessity of forsaking that which he desires. For example, Phineas must abandon his desire for Lady Laura Standish because he cannot satisfy Lady Laura's own political ambitions, and later his political indebtedness to Lord Brantford forces him to abandon of his desire for Violet Effingham, with whom Lord Chiltern is in love. In fact, Phineas soon discovers that posturing, longwinded orations and cloakroom alliances epitomize politics more than any deep desire to get things done.
Mr. Kennedy, on the other hand, is quite a virtuous consummate politician, because he is devoted to carrying out every administrative detail that accompanies government office. In truth though, he is really nothing more than a particularly diligent paper pusher. But, however propitious his demeanor is to the endless administrative duties he must carry out, Trollope nevertheless portrays him as a dry, sober, and nearly humorless. Furthermore, Trollope also portrays Mr. Kennedy a sort of gentle but effective disciplinarian in his married life. Thus we may conclude that political success requires the abnegation, or at least the endless deferral, of one's true desires, and that the most successful politician is one who can most effectively subordinate his desire to the workings of government. Therefore, the system seduces Phineas and his peers with a promise of power that it never delivers, and furthermore the system steals one's position of resistance from him via assimilation into a normalizing regime.
Thus we have arrived at the essence of Trollope's political critique: that the British system of representative government is not dedicated to progress, but to stasis. The government preserves and extends the influence of the status quo through a subtle and complex array of practices: e.g., needlessly repetition of proposed legislature, stupifyingly long-winded filibusters, etc. These practices thus result in a perpetual deferral of desire on the part of plebeian, politician and rising young man alike.