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The material covered is ample and includes most of the specific sexual deviances in the literature. Each chapter is followed by an extensive, recent bibliography. This is a text book and also a fine reference for people in mental health, law enforcement, and any profession involved with issues of human sexuality and it many ramifications.
It is not recommended for those who seek to indulge their prurient interests. A scholarly tone is maintained throughout the book, and it imparts its information in a straightforward and highly legible form. It does not attempt to obscure facts with unintelligible language.It navigates with a steady hand the treacherous waters that lie between prudery and prurience.
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addiction in America, but surrounding the spread of the casino, lottery and pari-mutuel industry.
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Montauk does a thorough job of going through every aspect of the law school admissions process, including the most important one: Is law school right for you? The first chapter is invaluable in evaluatng whether you're making the right choice for yourself, since law school is a costly commitment (time, effort and money-wise). There are also countless data tables that examine statistics for each law school and a great chapter on law school rankings.
Overall, I would say that this book is worth every penny for those applying to top law schools (for those who are looking outside of the top tier, I would be more hesitant to recommend it since the data he includes is restricted primarily to top 20 schools).
Well, he was wrong. I ignored his advice (my grades aren't as good as his were) and bought Richard Montauk's "How to Get Into the Top Law Schools." This book, which is now well-worn, was certainly worth the investment!
It's full of revelations from admissions insiders and need-to-know information about the process of applying. I would definately recommend it to other pre-law students who want to get an edge on the competition.
I found the most valuable feature of the book to be the quotes from law school admission staff members at various schools. Virtually every topic includes input from admissions counselors and directors. And these aren't people from "Joe's J.D. Mill." They work at the top law schools in the nation. These are the people who make the decisions about who gets in to a top school and who doesn't. Their candid advice is invaluable.
As a whole, the book is well-written and informative. Some portions may be redundant to people who have already done a significant amount of research on law schools and the admission process. But it's all good information and it's useful to have it in one place.
While I don't recommend using this book as your sole source of advice, it's a fabulous starting point. If you're serious about going to law school, buy this book. It's well worth the price.
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Considering all legal disputes in regards to Microsoft's guilt are a moot point, the nature of this works is to try the legal system to deflect attention from Microsoft's anticompetitive behavior. These circumstances lead one to wonder what the class status of a lawbreaker is such that it can argue that it is in fact the law that is incorrect, not the behavior.
This title is a fascinating lobbying piece and a valid historical reference of Microsoft Propaganda in the Antitrust Years.
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Honestly, Gail isn't a very likable character. She's kind of selfish, kind of manipulative, kind of meanly sarcastic...I think that's why I liked her so much. She's real. When she starts getting threatening notes and phone calls, she doesn't know what to do, and so, as most people would, she doesn't do much of anything. At this point we're screaming at the book to try to get her to do something, because we know what's coming. But the greatest strength of this novel is that it makes us wonder what we would do in a similar situation.
The most frustrating thing about this book is that it seems to carry the message that there's nothing we CAN do. Gail tries to defend herself but fails. She tries to punish the man responsible, but fails. Maybe that's reality, but not only is it extremely frustrating, it's a BAD message to send to victims:Don't try to prosocute your attacker, the justice system is against you. I don't think that's necessarily the message that Mr. Peck was trying to get accross, but that's how I felt when reading the book. That's why I can't give this book more than three stars. It's good, the characters seem real, but it's hard to like any of them, and by the end you're pulling your hair out over the unfairness at all. Maybe I should give the book extra points for eliciting such a strong emotional response-I can see that I'm not alone, given the other reviews on this site. In that case, give it four stars. This book is compelling, and it's definately worth reading, but be forewarned about these messages before you read: the justice system is often unjust, it's hard to find people you can trust, and survival is a difficult and painful process.
Honestly, Gail isn't a very likable character. She's kind of selfish, kind of manipulative, kind of meanly sarcastic...I think that's why I liked her so much. She's real. When she starts getting threatening notes and phone calls, she doesn't know what to do, and so, as most people would, she doesn't do much of anything. At this point we're screaming at the book to try to get her to do something, because we know what's coming. But the greatest strength of this novel is that it makes us wonder what we would do in a similar situation.
The most frustrating thing about this book is that it seems to carry the message that there's nothing we CAN do. Gail tries to defend herself but fails. She tries to punish the man responsible, but fails. Maybe that's reality, but not only is it extremely frustrating, it's a BAD message to send to victims:Don't try to prosocute your attacker, the justice system is against you. I don't think that's necessarily the message that Mr. Peck was trying to get accross, but that's how I felt when reading the book. That's why I can't give this book more than four stars. I really think it deserves five stars. It's good, the characters seem real, but it's hard to like any of them, and by the end you're pulling your hair out over the unfairness at all. Maybe I should give the book extra points for eliciting such a strong emotional response-I can see that I'm not alone, given the other reviews on this site. In that case, give it five stars. This book is compelling, and it's definately worth reading, but be forewarned about these messages before you read: the justice system is often unjust, it's hard to find people you can trust, and survival is a difficult and painful process. Peck must be commended, however, for being so brutally honest.
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Richard Pipes is best known as an important scholar of Russian and Soviet history. In Property and Freedom, he combines his mastery of Russian history with a much broader subject, the relationship between private property and liberty. Relying primarily on the histories of England and Russia, Pipes makes a compelling argument that freedom and private property are intimately linked. As he puts it, "While property in some form is possible without liberty, the contrary is inconceivable" (p. xiii)...
Pipes begins his investigation with a brief but useful survey of some of the common but frequently vague terms he uses in the book. The term property, he explains, has several levels of meaning, the broadest of which can "encompass everything that properly belongs to a person . . . including life and liberty" (p. xv). It is this broad understanding of the term property that "provides the philosophical link between ownership and freedom" (p. xv)...
Chapters 1 and 2 are entitled "The Idea of Property" and "The Institution of Property." The first is a kind of intellectual history of the development of the concept of property, and the second is a historical narrative of how the institution of property developed. Both chapters provide clear, concise reviews of the main points of each history, including well-chosen examples from the historical and anthropological literature...
Chapters 3 and 4 illustrate different ways in which two specific states, England and Russia, actually developed historically. These case studies are the strongest part of the book. Pipes marshals an impressive battery of evidence to demonstrate how in England the importance of private property led steadily to the development of a strong spirit of individual freedom and a vigorous democratic tradition...The history of Russia is so different from that of England, Pipes argues, largely because of the historically weak tradition of private property in Russia. Pipes uses the Weberian concept of a "patrimonial" state to describe Russia. Unlike their counterparts in England (or, indeed, in western Europe in general), the Russian monarchs historically considered themselves and were considered by others as not only the rulers but the owners of their realm. Although private property existed, it did not exist independently of the state, but "emanated from it"...
The final chapter, "Property in the Twentieth Century," picks up the historical narrative appoximately where the two case studies end. During the twentieth century, the institution of private property comes under relentless attack, first from the totalitarian ideologies of fascism and communism and, finally, from the welfare state. Pipes makes a strong argument that the welfare-state policies that have emerged in western Europe and North America over the past several decades (including the increasing acceptance of the concepts of "positive rights," "entitlements," government "takings," and so forth) undermine private property and, hence, individual liberty...
Pipes continues with this theme in the last section of the book, entitled "Portents." Neither a conclusion nor an epilogue, this section amounts to a warning of coming disaster if the antipropertarian spirit of the welfare state is not checked. Pipes cites Tocqueville in stressing the dangers of a despotic democracy in which, as Tocque-ville described it, the "nation is reduced to be nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd" (p. 292)...
Property and Freedom is an important contribution. By providing two very closely argued historical case studies, Pipes has issued a kind of invitation (challenge?) to historians with expertise in other civilizations or national histories to corroborate or refute his thesis. If he successfully provokes such further studies, he will have advanced the discussion of the link between property and liberty even more significantly.
Pipes' approach draws on his expertise as a historian. He describes the historical development of the idea of property rights with particular emphasis on the contrasting experiences of England and Russia. He demonstrates that the development of political and economic freedom in England is directly linked to the early establishment of property rights in that country while the total lack of freedom in Russia (prior to 1991 and excluding the brief 1905-1917 period) is equally linked to the total lack of property rights there.
This book is not a complete answer to the very broad question of how property and freedom are related. It does, however, make a valuable contribution from the historical perspective. To more fully understand this question, I recommend the following: For an economic perspective: Mancur Olsen, Power and Prosperity; for a legal/social perspective, Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital. Together, these three books provide a fairly complete answer to the question.
Richard Pipes, our greatest historian of Russia, has written a brilliant and learned study of the historical relationship between property and greedom. He argues persuasively that property rights are the necessary, but not sufficient, cause of individual and political liberty. He documents the history of freedom's repeated rise and fall around the world, first as property rights are discovered, defined, and protected, and then as they are swept away by periods of royal absolutism, socialism, or fascism.
The first four parts of the book reflect a life-time of learning and scholarship. Pipes demonstrates complete control over primary as well as secondary sources (despite his humble disclaimer in the introduction). The writing is succinct and fast paced, with disagreements among leading experts quickly identified and the author's own position stated in a sentence or two. This is great research and writing.
Part 5, on "Property in the Twentieth Century," and a brief conclusion titled "Portents," hardly seem to have been written by the same author. Here the text is long-winded and tendentious, the sources are seldom peer reviewed or leading experts (except Richard Epstein, who is quoted many times). It is a mystery why the historian felt he had to become a policy analyst in this final section of the book, rendering his opinions on everything from affirmative action and school busing to wetlands regulation.
I'm reminded of another great book about freedom, "Freedom in the Making of Western Civilization," by Orlando Patterson. That book, too, ended poorly, with a hastily written account of freedom in the Middle Ages and the unconvincing claim that everything thereafter was "merely a long series of footnotes" to what came before.
Richard Epstein's books, especially "Takings" and "Principles for a Free Society," remain the best texts on freedom in the 20th century. But Epstein, a legal scholar, is an acquired taste. We await a history of freedom and property in the 20th century that rises to the bar that Richard Pipes sets in the first four parts of this book.
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"Protect and Defend" reprises familiar names like Kerry Kilcannon and Caroline Masters, something Patterson does very well in his novels. But while many of his stories center around solving a murder, this one deals with an abortion case and takes place in court. It's arguably Patterson's best writing--this is an extremely well-written novel and is most involving.
Problem is, Patterson doesn't just hint at his side of the abortion issue--he bludgeons the reader with it. There's no mistaking whatsoever that the pro-choice crowd are the good guys, from President Kilcannon to Supreme Court Justice Masters on down...these are the folks who are doing the right thing day after day, fighting the good fight and setting examples for the way things ought to be. There's a group moderate of Republicans who are looked upon quite favorably, but the tried and true conservatives are absolutely villified--Patterson paints this group as the right-wing-wacko good old boys who are making the sleazy, back-room deals, getting rich and taking care of their own while being out of touch with what's really going on in the world.
The best fiction often offers an agenda of some kind, but in my estimation, truly brilliant writers are able to write powerful books which weave in said agenda with finesse and subtlety. Patterson has done that successfully in the past, but his pro-choice stance is trumpeted so ferociously that it overwhelms what was shaping up to be a terrific novel. I barely made it through the book because of my disgust with the approach, and I've been so flattened by Patterson's politics that I have serious doubts about reading anything else of his in the future.
In the midst of the intensely partisan confirmation process, a volatile late-term abortion case is moving its way up through the California courts and appears headed for the Supreme Court. Patterson gives us a look at the interesting inner workings of the federal courts and the Senate as they wrestle with difficult issues.
This book is a good read. I got a little tired of what seemed like overemphasis on the pros and cons of abortion, but I guess it was necessary in order to provide a balanced view. Nevertheless, this is one of those big, sprawling novels that you can really sink your teeth into. BUY IT.
Kerry Kilcannon is the new President of the United States of America. Caroline Masters is the President's nominee as the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. The nomination is not well received by a conservative Senate led by Majority Leader and presidential aspirant Macdonald Gage; and Gage sets about to defeat the nomination by any means necessary. Set against this backdrop is an ongoing trial (nationally televised) involving the pregnant teenage daughter of Christian fundamentalist parents challenge to the constitutionality of a law passed by Congress called the Protection of Life Act: favored by anti-abortionists groups and disfavored by pro-choice groups. Richard North Patterson has created a well-researched novel about the current political issues of our times. PROTECT AND DEFEND challenges our notions about campaign reform, abortion and whether or not those who aspire to public office have any right to or expectation of any modicum of privacy in their private lives. Reading this book will lead you out of the grip of any unconsidered opinion you may have had about these issues. A thoughtful reader will find here a certain level of skepticism that lifts the mind out of all certainties but doesn't then corrupt it with cynicism.
Be sure to read Patterson's acknowledgements at the end of the book. It will give you insight into why this novel was so well crafted.