I believe that the other reviewers here may not have understood Franco's (admittedly unobvious) intent in this work. Certainly the greater portion of the book is devoted to an explication of Hegel's essentially post-mediaeval notions of `ability,' with particular attention paid to those seemlingly inconsistent areas aligned with the early Christian modes of thought, but--useful as this is--it is merely the foundation for Franco's presentation of his own theory of `paralysis of will' in late 19th and 20th century political discourse. One is tempted to gloss over this short section, since at first glance it seems a trivial sort of nonsense, but a close reading in the light of his comments on Heigel's later period reveals that Franco does indeed cast new and interesting light on post-Leninist Marxism. This, unfortunately, is obsecured by some meandering in the later parts, and certainly bringing Ayn Rand into it (however indirectly) was entirely uncalled for. Still, beyond the unquestionably excellent study of Hegel himself, this book has something interesting to offer modern philosophers.

I hesitate to use this review as a "discussion board", but I'm afraid TMChurch has somewhat glossed over the shortcomings in Mr. Franco's achievement. While it is, without a doubt, a substantial bit of research, Franco veers off course, neglecting the import of Hegel's private life on his all-too-public philosophy. Missing are the hazy, misbegotten 'Amsterdam Years' of Hegel's youth and the reckless university pranks and mayhem that made Hegel the philosopher everyone loves to scrath their collective heads over.

To Mr. Franco - a good work that simply requires a finer brush stroke. To TMChurch: a more careful read is in order!

As a Slobovian, it has always been difficult to accept Hegel's edification of the Prussian State. After all Prussia, in guises including but not limited to Nazi Germany, the Papist Church, the Uncircumcised turks, Croat fascist biker gangs, and italin black shirts on bicycles, has invaded my beloved land many times. Mr. Franco shows me that Hegel was more than just a rightist apologist for this tyranny, and more than simpply a precursor to godless marxism....he like Thomas Jefferson, Robbespierre, Ronald Reagan, and the late and famous slobovian rock star Czicik Kromonobicka was a believer in freedom. thank you for writing this book even if my english does not enable me to truly comprehend it.

It is with much regret and shame that I admit I spent two solid months of my life labouring to get through this book. I obviously did it out of obstinate stubborness, triggered by a college professor who chided that there was "no way I would be able to get through this book". In the time you will have to spend to get through this, you could instead read countless works which are better written AND simultaneously more profound and beneficial to the reader. If you have the time and energy to read something like Hegel's _Science of Logic_, please take my advice and read the complete works of Carl G. Jung instead. I realize that Jung is of a vastly different genre and time period, but after reading modern psychoanalysis, it is hard for me to get exited about something like Hegel anymore. Although there are some very fascinating aspects to this book, the reader does not stand to benefit in any realistic way from reading Hegel's _Science of Logic_.

The one thing I did like about this book is Hegel's discussion on the true nature of calculus and other advanced mathematics. Hegel reminds us that most types of calculus, and simple algebra for that matter, are limited in that they require the mathematician to have final answers before he can even proceed, and the mathematical process is usually just an exercise in seeing how one arrives at these final answers. In other words, mathematics is more about tracing the path connecting beginning and end points in an equation, after this end point is already known, than it is about conjuring up answers from nothing. Another interesting aspect of this book is its innovative contributions to the world of chemistry and the origins of the modern periodic table of the elements. Hegel sheds light on the earliest days of modern chemistry, reminding us of the revolutionary processes that led up to our understanding of chemical elements and compounds. We are reminded that everything stems from and starts with the compound, and the existence of the pure elements is inferred later by analysing phenomenon such as "mixing ratios" and saturation/absorbtion capacities. Hegel explains these founding pillars of chemical wisdom which many modern scientists take for granted. It is admittedly interesting to read about the processes that led to the discovery of the now-ubiquitous periodic table.

I like it a lot. You should read it because it is insightful.

In his Preface Hegel states he will defend Metaphysics, a science that has fallen into disrepute since the days of Kant. He does this with great skill and uncommon insight. His method is a new operator in Logic, the Speculative operator (popularly known as the Dialectic), and Hegel demonstrates the use of this new operator from the most Abstract to the most Concrete categories possible. In his Introduction Hegel states that his book will show forth 'the mind of God before the creation of the world and a finite spirit.' Decide for yourself if he was successful in this, but I say he was. This book is not usually well-received by the modernist, while the postmodernist will condemn these ideas as 'Logomachy.' Nevertheless, Hegel's SCIENCE OF LOGIC (1812) has had an enormous impact upon the avant-garde and upon some of the most influential intellectuals that history has ever seen. In this book Hegel incorporates the Categories of Kant in a new, metaphysical paradigm and demonstrates to those who struggle to follow his New Logic that God is Real, the Real is Spirit, Spirit is Mind, Mind is Reason and Reason is the Goal of all History. Others have rightly said that God is the Goal of all History, but Hegel fleshes out the details with scientific precision and invites scientific criticism of his new logical operator. (Note: This is a book for experts and specialists. If you have not yet read Kant, do not expect to understand even a single page of this technical tome.) For the student of modern philosophy, this book is a rocket ship to your next destination at the apex of Western Philosophy.

This book is about bespoke handmade shoes for men - but not about any of the major ready-made brands. The book presents a great introduction to the more than 200 steps from measuring your feet to the finished shoe. Chapters include taking size, making lasts, the different shoe styles, the different parts of the shoes and how to care for your custom-made shoes. The book also includes superb features on the world's most famous workshops including Lobb, Berluti and Vogel. The author Laszlo Vass is the owner of the well-known Vass shoe workshop in the center of Budapest, Hungary. If you are a shoe connaisseur or affictionado and also think that "elegance begins with shoes" then this book is the right choice for you.

If you want to know how to make shoes or just want to know how shoes are made this is the best book that you can buy. Every page has beautiful closeup color photographs. Just by looking at the photographs alone shows you how it is done and there are many, many, photographs showing you every stage in the process of hand making a pair of men's shoes.

Information on shoemaking is getting difficult to find. I bought this book hoping I could learn how nice shoes are made. I was very pleased with what I learned from this book. One step further into the details, however, would have made this book the last word on the subject.

If you have a little imagination, however, it is not too hard to fill in the details. Actually, since the author is a very respected Hungarian shoemaker, I can imagine it being a difficult decision on where to draw the line between "details" and "wordiness." Do you have to talk about glue viscosity (he does) or glue recipes (he doesn't, "shop secrets"). Plenty of information is included and hundreds of excellent photos make it easy to imagine yourself right alongside a master craftsman.

Topics include:

* taking measurements
* anatomy
* shoe sizes
* history and making of lasts
* characteristics of different styles of men's dress shoes
* design of the pattern (the gist of it, anyway)
* leather tanning processes
* characteristics of different leathers
* clicking, brogueing, stitching and reinforcing of uppers
* lasting the shoe (stretching the upper around the last)
* lots of detail on tacking and stitching during the lasting process
* welting
* soling (including the shank and cork filler)
* building the heel
* ornamentation and finishing
* proper shoe care
* short bios on the greatest workshops in Europe and America

Needless to say, I learned alot. I had no idea top-end shoes use wooden pegs to hold the heels on or that broken glass and bones are common tools in the trade. This is a very nice addition to my library.

This book is valuable because it compares Hegel and Marx better than Marx or any of his followers could have done. Professor David MacGregor is sympathetic to the Marxist project, but he is willing to suspend Marx's criticism of Hegel in an effort to harmonize the two thinkers.Professor MacGregor excels in his knowledge of both thinkers, and he quotes from Hegel literally hundreds of times in a superior scholarship. I have a few minor criticisms of this book: (1) the title is inappropriate because there simply is no 'communist ideal' in Hegel. Hegel advocated private property as the foundation for Law itself. Hegel was not a capitalist, though, and perhaps this is what is being stressed here -- Hegel advocated taxation in order to support a civil servant class, a universal class, which would regulate industry. (I believe the title was selected by the publisher, not the author); (b) Hegel did not say of Marx, 'only one person understood me, and even he has not,' rather, Fichte said that about Schelling.In all, my criticisms are few. Professor MacGregor's ability to harmonize the essential spirit of Hegel with the best ideas of Marx is challenged by his project, and he succeeds better than anybody else. His latest book, HEGEL AND MARX AFTER THE FALL OF COMMUNISM (1998) is a good sequel.

This publication, THE COMMUNIST IDEAL IN HEGEL AND MARX (University of Toronto, 1984, 295 pages) is a real surprise.

I say, 'surprise,' since the title of this book runs directly contrary to my reading of Hegel, but Professor MacGregor rightly insists that our debates about Hegel's politics be founded strictly upon our encounter with Hegel's texts.

1. Professor MacGregor may surprise many with his opening words,

"This study is an attempt to rescue Hegel's thought from the interpretation imposed on it by Marx." (D. MacGregor, CIHM, p. 11)

2. Professor MacGregor cites sources to irrevocably vindicate my own long-standing claim that Feuerbach's reading of Hegel is misleading,

"Unfortunately, even tragically, the ingenious transformative critique of Hegel pioneered by Feuerbach was simply wrong." (D. MacGregor, ibid, p. 21)

3. Professor MacGregor provides a rich body of quotations to contrast Marx's dualist portrait of class conflict between bourgeoisie and proletariat with Hegel's trinitarian portrait of class conflict between agribusiness, manufacture and civil service, citing Hegel's PHILOSOPHY OF RIGHT, paragraphs 202-208. He writes:

"Hegel delineates three major class groupings in civil society: the *business* class of capitalists and workers, the *agricultural* class of nobles and peasants, and the *universal* class of civil servants." (D. MacGregor, ibid, p. 30)

This line of thought opens up a fruitful new domain of debate, until now unknown to all but the most academic.

4. Prof. David MacGregor's THE COMMUNIST IDEAL IN HEGEL AND MARX is extremely valuable because it is an extraordinary 20th century thesis that provides within 259 pages of text no less than 500 quotations by Hegel himself. Some quotations are footnoted with more citations, totaling more than 800 Hegel quotations and citations in all.

By focusing so strongly upon Hegel's texts, Professor MacGregor has established a new standard for Hegel/Marx studies. It seems to me that the appropriate way to revive G.W.F. Hegel, the sleeping giant, is to begin with the rigorous textual approach that Professor David MacGregor has provided in this important new study.

As one may imagine, my criticisms of his book are far from complete. For the present I will content myself with pointing out the positive aspects of his fine book. By focusing so strongly upon Hegel's texts, and by distancing himself from Feuerbach and Marx at the outset, Preofessor MacGregor has assured us that his revelation of Hegel's ideas will be fresh; different from nearly every other modern work.

First and foremost, I thoroughly enjoyed this book. Yovel has a clean and sharp analysis that only rarely seems a bit apologetic for the authors he presents vis-a-vis the subject matter. But this is not to detract from his important contribution to that subject, in fact, I would like to see the writing of another book that he has alluded to in his epilogue; the Jewish take on the two philosophers. I also have to say that Yovel has for the most part redeemed Nietzschean thought for me, I wish he would have speculated some more on the genealogical method devised by the philosopher. My own interest is in East European cultural Zionism and also k'naanite movements in Israel benefiting from the superstructure that both Hegel and Nietzsche created. I can't wait for further exploration of these areas. Lehatzlecha adon Yovel.

After a series of works on the Enlightenment and the Jews, this work by Y. Yovel, author of a work on Kant's philosophy of history, and on Spinoza, is to be welcomed for a more sophisticated, if debatable, view of these matters, which, however, seem to elude simple explication. Due to the legacy of the Holocaust, all parties seem to have jitters on these issues, and more than arguably seek the reasons for that monumental tragedy in the wrong place.
Covering a wide range of topics, and fascinating at each point, this book is highly readable, but I nonetheless felt the 'dark riddle' yield to another series of problems. The account of Hegel's views on the Jews (indeed of Kant's), then those of Nietzsche, gives a misleading impression, does it not, for Nietzsche's advice to the Jews (behind some solid appreciation) would seem the worst they ever got, while the tradition of autonomy emerging in a figure such as Kant would better fulfill the hope of Spinoza for a real Judaic modernism.
Throughout, the ambiguity of the term 'antisemitism' tends to complicate discussion, and some might be left to conclude that atheism, Biblical Criticism, secular culture, were all antisemitic. Yovel leads us past these dangers by and large with a consideration overdue, but still not quite right, perhaps, of these subjects.
The stolid Hegel's views here would seem less than surprising, the more so as he was able to revise his thinking. In any case, there is an irony here, for the rise of the modern and the era of the Prophets, have a deep resemblance to each other, and to the era of the Greek and Indian Enlightenment. We need to look at them all without prejudice, and somehow rescue the modern instance from the plight to which it is now being unfairly subjected. Engaging work, with some fascinating moments.

To me this book is above all a fine collection of portraits of different characters within the German army, and especially within the German NCO and officer corps. I also learnt more about the regional identities in the German armed forces. "Germans" were actually East Prussians, Rhinelanders, Swabians, Austrians etc and Georg Grossjohann shows how this mattered. This lesson can by the way easily be applied in today's conflicts were all too often regional differences are ignored.

If you are interested in one of the many less-known battlefields on which Knight's Cross recipient Grossjohann fought, e.g. in Southern France and the High Vosges you will be richly rewarded by this book as the text and clear maps will give you a good understanding of both larger (divisional) and some smaller actions, but personally I was more fascinated by his time in the Ukraine and especially the amiable relationship between the Ukranians and the Germans and why it ended. Grossjohann seems to fully understand why his hosts eventuallly turned against him.

It is amusing, and probably useful too, not only to read about good leaders but also about how NOT to lead. Indeed, this book is one of the more charming but still believable German memoirs that I have read. Grossjohann's analysis of why the excellent German armed forces were defeated is also well worth reading.

Its interesting to see his army documents, photos and even his military CV.

Five Years, Four Fronts, The War Years of Georg Grossjohann, Major, German Army (Retired), Aegis, 1999. Forward by Theodore C. Mataxis, BG, USA (Ret).

It has long interested me to hear veterans speak, especially to and about former enemies. Ted Mataxis was with Task Force Herren, a scratch force comprised primarily of the first arrivals in France of our 70th ID. General Mataxis was asked by Keith Bonn, editor of Aberjona Press (Aegis) to write the intro to Five Years... Both men (and Bonn for that matter) had been career army. But unlike Seven Days in January, with the 6th SS-Mountain Division in Operation NORDWIND, for which Ted M. also wrote the intro, he had not fought against Grossjohann's outfits. But still, these men had a lot in common, e.g., having to suddenly cobble together bunches of untrained men and try to teach them how to survive the battlefield. Our 70th was filled with former army air corps crew members, anti-aircraft gunners, and former students from the Army Specialized Training Program. What was needed by the fall of 1944 was more infantrymen. Everyone knew the war would soon be over so there would be no point in having all these highly educated technicians just sitting around, now was there?? (To read about the Battle of Wingen sur Moder and other, later 70 ID garden spots such as Forbach, go to the Trailbazers website, and click on the 276th Regiment).

Major Grossjohann's story is very interesting and importantly, he's not apologizing for anything. He's particularly irked at the rash of books decrying poor officer leadership, noting for example, in WWII, 287 German generals were killed in the front lines. "Between 22 June and 31 October 1941, my division (the 198th ID) lost about fifty-one percent of its officers versus thirty-eight of its NCOs and troops. It is obvious that relatively few of our combat officers indulged in fanatical self-preservation. Incidentally, in the German Army, the vast majority of officers had once served as soldiers..." Grossjohann joined the army in 1928 as a Zwolfender, "so called after a twelve-point buck, because under the provisions of Versailles, the minimum enlistment in the Reichswehr was twelve years." When the war began he was w/in five months of discharge. He was picked up as an Officer Aspirant after the invasion of France.

When in France awaiting SEALION (the invasion of England), "the regimental staff was quartered in the chateau of the manufacturer of fine liqueurs whose products are world-famous. The relationship between the owner of the chateau and his family and our soldiers was friendly and congenial, and I mean that for both sides. This was the case almost all over France, but was especially evident in Normandy, for historical reasons, the people there were not very fond of the English, so we had a common antagonist." (Editor's note, I had the same experience when I lived in Normandy in the 1950s. The people I knew were fonder of the Germans than les anglais..).

When G. then went to the Soviet Union to participate in BARBAROSSA, interestingly he had a similar experience. Now a company commander and therefore with "quarters in a cottage, situated directly next to the company orderly room.... My Russian, or more precisely Ukrainian hosts, were as nice and friendly as the French had been during my time in Normandy. I was always given a sofa covered with a black wax-coated sheet cloth to sleep on, while the whole family retired to sleep on the giant stove. Unfortunately, my sofa was so full of bugs that in the morning I always looked as if I had the measles. My hosts, who seemed to be completely immune to bedbugs, were always greatly amused when I got up in the morning swollen from stings and bites. But their harmless glee in my misfortune was certainly not intended." Despite Himmler and Hitler, apparently not all Germans considered Slavs untermenchen...

Five Years... is a well balanced work. In addition the editor's historical commentary which is solid enough to serve as a text as World War II history courses, the author discusses tactics, leadership and military/political as well as cultural realities. There's an excellent description of his regiment's egress from the Cherkassy Pocket and nearly being again cut off by the Soviets at Uman. Grossjohann early on notes that he had no particular problem fighting for Adolph Hitler since as a soldier he was initially not permitted to get into politics. After the war began, he was too busy to care about politics. However, "it was unimaginable and simply irreplaceable considering the men and material we lost by stubbornly sustaining positions and so-called 'strongholds' since Stalingrad." Hitler had abandoned the very able German 'mobile defense' and thus subjected his troops to envelopments which had been the Wehrmacht's speciality early on.

After Operation Bagration, his regiment, now a shadow of the original, was assigned to southwestern France for refitting. After 15 August 1944 and the American invasion of southern France, they became part of the German 19th Army's withdrawal up the Rhone Valley. conducting rear guard activity in hot spots such as Montelimar. While fighting in the High Vosges, initially against U.S. and then against French colonial troops, Grossjohann was assigned as provisional regimental commander of another outfit. Regardless that everyone knew the war was all but over, but not surprising due to German administrative/bureaucratic thoroughness, when his war ended the author had just reported to the course for new regimental commanders... And most Soldaten just fought on...

He entered U.S. Army captivity in May, 1945.

Awards: Iron Cross 2nd Class, June 1940; Iron Cross 1st Class, July 1942; Wound Badge in Black, August 1942; German Cross in Gold, October, 1944; Wounds Badge in Silver, December, 1944; Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross, December, 1944.

Georg Grossjohann fits an image that historically curious readers today might have of a "typical Wehrmacht officer" -- Prussian background, long pre-1939 service, and campaign experiences on both the Eastern and Western Fronts during the war. Where his book "Five Years, Four Fronts" excels, is in presenting a ground-level view of the World War II German Army through the eyes of such an officer, who commanded troops close enough to the front to convey the day-to-day details of battle and the lives of officers and men, but at the same time far enough away that his perceptions of what took place were not limited by the horizon of an individual fighting position or armored vehicle.

Some of the most interesting material in this book involves the attitudes of Wehrmacht officers and men toward their chain of command, which, Grossjohann relates, were not always as rigid and "Prussian" as persisting stereotypes still suggest. There are revealing descriptions of the foibles of leadership figures ranging from a master sergeant at Grossjohann's old prewar regiment, to Reichsfuehrer-SS Heinrich Himmler as he took amateurish charge of German forces on the Upper Rhine late in the war. Also, Grossjohann details such dynamics of front-line action as the agreement between his regiment and the mayor of a French town to let civilians evacuate during a pause in combat.

Overall, "Five Years, Four Fronts" gives insight into the daily culture of the Wehrmacht service as well as laying out full-fleshed and detailed accounts of events in lesser-known war theaters such as the Rhone Valley and the Vosges Mountains of France. It is substantial historical work which also reads engagingly enough to keep the reader interested throughout.

W. G. Sebald, "On The Natural History of Destruction," Random House, NY, 2003, originally published in German as "Luftkrieg und Literatur," 1999, translated by Anthea Bell.

During World War II, Allied bombers attacked 131 German towns and cities destroying 3.5 million homes and killing or injuring 600,000 German civilians. In 1997, Mr. Sebald gave a series of lectures on the literature describing the effects of these attacks. He was surprised that so little had been written about them. He infers that Germans are still in denial about these horrors of war. This volume summarizes his lectures plus the letters he received in response to news reports of his lectures. Appended are three additional essays.

Central to his theme is the fire storming technique developed by the Allies to destroy major cities. Dresden, Hamburg, Cologne, Nuremberg, Ludwigshafen, Darmstadt, and Halberstadt are named as destroyed in this way. The destruction of Hamburg on July 27, 1943, by the RAF supported by the US Eighth Air Force, is described in gruesome detail. High explosive bombs weighing up to 4000 lb. were used to destroy windows and doors. They were followed by incendiary devices both light (to ignite upper stories) and heavy (to ignite lower floors). Within 20 minutes, massive fires were burning that created flames to a height of 2000 meters and hurricane force winds that stripped roofs from buildings and drove human beings along like torches. The fire burned intensely for three hours. Glass windows melted. Sugar stocks boiled. Corpses sank into molten asphalt streets. Survivors were found aimlessly wandering the streets-some carrying deceased infants. Numerous people died in bomb shelters, in cellars, and buried in the rubble. Flies, maggots and rats soon swarmed through the area. The stench of rotting corpses was everywhere. Eventually dense green vegetation grew over the ruins. Photos of the destruction at that stage are many. A selection of these photos is included in the book.

The letters Sebald received confirmed a general lack of detailed information. A few accounts were found in diaries and in several novels. Some accounts were privately published. An apparent taboo by publishers was reinforced by the poor commercial success of the few works that did make it into print. Considerable amounts of disinformation circulated in Germany making it difficult for individuals to know the facts of these raids. The author cites the traditional strict control of intimate feelings within the German family as one cause of the apparent lack of interest in the destruction caused by the war.

One book his letters did find is: Dr. Hans Joachim Schroeder, "Die gestohlenen Jahre-Erzaehlgeschichten und Geschichterzaehlung im Interview: Der zweite Weltkrieg aus der Sicht ehemaliger Mannschaftssoldaten, (The Stolen Years-Narratives and History in Interviews: The Second World War as Seen by Former Soldiers), Niemeyer, 1992. The author discounts this source as being surprisingly stereotypical.

Seebald's thesis may in fact be overdrawn. Numerous disasters-both natural and military-have occurred over the centuries. Few are described from the victim's viewpoint. The Japanese have publicized the effects of nuclear war using survivors' stories from Hiroshima and Nagasaki (seen here on public television), but similar accounts of the destruction of Tokyo or the Battle of Okinawa are lacking. Even reports of the London Blitz tend not to be told from the point of view of the victims.

The normal reaction to any tragic event is for people to get on with their lives as soon as they are able. Germans seem to have done that. Only Germans can decide whether they need to re-examine the pain of wartime destruction.

This volume is translated from German. It reads reasonably smoothly. Classical German is enamored with long, multi-clause, compound sentences. A few of these got by the translator. The second sentence of Chapter 1 runs 133 words. The Foreword ends with a 78 word sentence, followed by a 47 worder.

All of this is closely related to German efforts to come to terms with World War II. That process seems to be moving along. The current volume is a glimpse of that dialog. The book does demonstrate the difficulties Germans have writing about World War II-even 60 years after the event. Sebald retells the story of animals injured in the bombing of the Berlin zoo. Published soon after the war, that report reeks of Nazi propaganda. Later, in an apparent effort to ward off charges of Neo-nazism, he replies to a letter with charges of pseudo-intellectualism and with strongly anti-Nazi comments. No matter how innocent, any discussion of the war risks the suspicion of spin meisters. References. No index.

This posthumous volume of Sebald's non-fiction writing is a major contribution to German literary criticism and politico-cultural analysis. Accompanying his reflections on the traumatic impact of the air war against German cities are essays studying the very diverse reactions of three 'witnesses' of that time as reflected in their post-war literary works. In AIR WAR AND LITERATURE, originally presented as the Zurich Lectures, Sebald delves deeply into some very uncomfortable questions. The air war on 131 German cities killed some six hundred thousand civilians and destroyed more than the homes of seven and a half million people. Why have these events resulted mostly in public silence for decades? Why have so few literary works attempted to speak to the traumatic impact on the population? Most Germans seem to have tried to come to terms with the realities of the war years by suppressing their immediate pain and the longer-term suffering. Sebald has thoroughly researched a multitude of authors, both in fiction and non-fiction. Yet, he deems their explanations unsatisfactory. Heinrich Boell is cited as one of the early exceptions, yet publication of his book, The Silent Angel, was delayed by forty years.

Sebald contemplates the different causes for this persistent silence. For example, basing himself on a range of contemporary sources, he confronts the reader with a detailed description of the Hamburg firestorm. As disturbing as his account is, Sebald's reflective style makes it readable. His objective reporting neither criticises the Allies' campaign nor does he apologise for German actions leading to the war. He wonders, though, whether the depth of the traumatic experiences of this and other air attacks may have left many people numb and dazed, unable to express their reactions for a long time. The account of a young mother wandering through the station confused and stunned is one of several examples. Her suitcase suddenly opens onto the platform revealing the charcoaled remains of her baby.

Sebald's intent is not to shock but to explain the deep sense of loss that must have been felt by people like her. He further contends that at that time in the war, the growing acceptance of guilt for the Nazi's atrocities led in many civilians to an acknowledgment of justified punishment by the Allied forces. Last, not least, after the war many Germans experienced a 'lifting of a heavy burden' that they felt they had lived under during the Nazi regime. Concentrating on building the new Germany focused their minds on a better future. The publication (in German) of his Lectures in 1997 resulted in a range of reactions from readers. He reflects their varied views and comments in a postscript, thereby adding a fascinating 1990's dimension to his "rough-and-ready collection of various observations, materials, and theses".

The three authors who are the subject of the essays in this volume may be better known to students of German literature and culture. They represent a fine example of Sebald's skill as a contemplative and sensitive literary critic. At the same time, these essays complement Sebald's Lectures in a more fundamental way. In terms of coming to terms with the Nazi period and its atrocities, each one represents a specific type of German with his own means and ways of dealing with the recent past. Alfred Andersch is presented as having reinterpreted his personal history to fit his vision of self-importance in post-war Germany. Jean Amery, of half Jewish parentage, suffered through SS torture and survived various concentration camps. For the rest of his life, which he ended himself, he did not lose the nightmares of his torment. It was not until the mid-sixties, that he found his voice to impart his experiences in the form of essays on exile, genocide and resistance. Peter Weiss, who had lived in exile most of his life, found his self-expression mainly through painting and theatre productions until he published late in life his major fiction work, Aesthetics of Resistance.

This collection of "mediations on natural guilt, national victimhood, and the universal consequences of denying the past" is a significant socio-political document. Its importance for today's reader goes beyond the concrete German situation. As it addresses more fundamental issues of dealing with a society's traumatic past experiences, Sebald also confronts the need to develop the capacity to heal while learning and sharing the lessons from that past. [Friederike Knabe, Ottawa Ontario]

I found Sebald's descriptions of the Allied firebombing to be moving. One reviewer faults Sebald for his inclusion of several pages on the destruction of the zoo, because the reviewer thinks the original description that Sebald uses gives comfort to neo-Nazis. Perhaps it does, but that doesn't make it invalid. And if you look at the totality of this work, it certainly does not in any way condone Germany's Nazi past.

What Sebald is discussing is human memories of the bombings, and the repression of those memories. He isn't discussing the rights or wrongs of the bombings, which he mentions only briefly in what he calls a postscript. I don't think this should be used, as another reviewer has, to argue that he is minimizing German guilt. You could take the other point of view equally well: that he is minimizing Allied guilt by not discussing criticisms of the Allied bombing campaign. These issues are not germane to his narrowly-defined topic. In other words, the book is not a history of bombing, nor is it a discussion of the ethics of bombing civilians; rather, it is a description of what people remember about these events in later years.

I found the second part of the book, a discussion of Alfred Andersch, to be equally interesting. Here is a man who, according to Sebald, used his novels to rewrite the story of his life, and he wrote it as he probably should have lived it, rather than as he did live it. And he did this without ever apologizing for (or even admitting) his less than heroic behavior in real life.

The last two essays were less interesting to me than the rest of the work. They might be more useful to specialists in modern German literature. This brings me to what I consider a defect in this book. Surely the people about whom Sebald is writing are not household names in the U.S. I think that the translator or publisher should have included brief biographies of these individuals.

And while we are on this subject, I think the translator could have added to Sebald's footnotes too. In the section on Andersch, we are told that he divorces his wife in 1943 because she is Jewish, thus leaving her and their daughter at the mercy of the Nazi regime. But, although we are told of the fate of Andersch's mother-in-law, we are never told what happens to his ex-wife & daughter.

All in all, however, I think this work is well worth reading. It's not one that you will forget once you have finished reading it.

This book was wonderful. It shouldn't be read as a history but more as a philosophy. Even there, it is a bit short of the greats. Why then do I call it wonderful? It is a view into the past intelligentsia. His history is antiquated; from a modern perspective some of it is wrong. However, it is great to see the history of views about history and the philosophy of them. I am not a pursuer of the P.C., and understand that the context of civilization, at his time, is the molder of his views. Old books such as this are windows into time and are treasures to be cherished. As far as his philosophy I intend to read more of his work in the future to get a better perspective, but I found it interesting. I am on board with Hegel in that we should pursue our Ideal of the Greek Golden Era to maintain a lofty goal for civilization. Which can be summed up by Thucydides in his description of Athenian life; "We love the beautiful, but without ostentation or extravagance; we philosophize without being seduced thereby into effeminacy and inactivity (for when men give themselves up to Thought, they get further and further from the Practical--from activity for the public, for the common weal). We are bold and daring; but this courageous energy in action does not prevent us from giving ourselves an account of what we undertake (we have a clear consciousness respecting it); among other nations, on the contrary, martial daring has its basis in deficiency of culture: we know best how to distinguish between the agreeable and the irksome; notwithstanding which, we do not shrink from perils."

Philosophy of History is Hegel's most accessible introduction to his thought.

The introduction and preface are the most valuable parts of the book.

Much of the book is only of historical interest. His history of Greece, Rome, Israel and the Germans cannot be taken seriously anymore. There are racist and jingoist views in this book that seriously date it.

On the other hand, the book clearly expresses Hegel's spiritual philosophy of an evolving God who learns from the history of the world that is his thought.

For those who are looking for an introduction to Hegel that is written in his own words, this book is invaluable.

Hegel didn't see the historical events as mere chances or something that happen by itself.. He believes that there has to be reason that cause all the historical events.. That reason is the struggle for freedom of human kinds. This central theme is presented through out the book. The way Hegel present the history is not through chronological order but he present it as being from East to West. This representation of the his history is very interesting in itself. By the time that Hegel wrote Philosophy of History, China was still under imperial rule therefore chinese could have much of the freedom. One of the criticism that I have on Hegel is that he threat the Far East as the strange and unrelated area.. Next interesting point that I found in this book is that the western civilization start from Greek.. (I definitely agree with him because Greek is the birth place of western philosophy, art, and politics).. By the time Roman take over the Europe, the center of culture m! ove from Athens to Rome..(Here, again everything moved from East to West). During the Roman Era, there were struggles of people against imperialism... In the sections about Roman, he wrote about the development of Christianity. As an advocated Christian, Hegel believed that Christianity is the divined political plan for people to be free from Roman Emperor.. (That's my interpretion of the Hegel's section on Christianity. It may be different from Hegel original idea) The last section he used Germany as the example of how modern nation evolved. In other word, he traced the history of Germany from barbaric period, to age of Holy Roman Empire, to the era of Germanic empire.. The transition from Holy Roman Empire to the Germanic Empire is the struggle for freedom from Catholic church by Germanic states...

Autenrieth's major problem is that the entries are incomplete and lack morphological information; gender, for example, is not given for nouns. Definitions are often superficial and incomplete, and odd forms are words are often not glossed or cross-referenced.

This is useful if you already know Homeric greek, and need only occasional promptings. If you're still a student (undergraduate or graduate), spend the extra cash and get Cunliffe. You really won't regret it.

This is okay for speed/incomplete reading, as the other reviewers suggest, but it is not in any way an authoritative text.

It's handy, easy to use and authoritative enough to be recommended by professors for the purpose of rapid reading. For in-depth study or a more authoritative translation, use Cunliffe.

Having been a student of Greek for five years, and having used other dictionaries, I find that this one is the best and easiest for Homer. It suits the needs of both the beginner and the more advanced. I must also praise the illuminating pictures. Well worth the money!

Schmidt writes clearly and analytically about texts not readily understandable.

A good, interesting (but somewhat overly academic) study of the ebb and flow of post-Kantian continental thought. Worth reading for philosophy majors and those interested in philosophical exegisis.

A good and thorough beginning to the study of Heidegger. Well written and argued, very persuasive. Recommended for interested readers in post-Kantian continental philosophy.