The Well at the World's End is a good read even for modern readers. It is an excellent example of "romance." It is also good just as a curiosity read. Fans of Tolkien, Lewis, and Eliot should visit William Morris's writings. Personally, my favorite thing about the book was the archaic prose. For the first twenty pages I thought it would be bothersome. After that, I was used to it and the book flowed nicely. It is sad that few people read William Morris today.
The very names provide example of brilliant use of dialogue. Asterix- a small, seeming addition. Obelisk, who delivers menhirs. Getafix, the Druid. (Remember, this series began in the 60's.) Cacaphonix, the Bard, and Vitalstatistix, the chief. In the same vein, the authors use contemporary differences between cultures and play them upon the ancient Gaulish-Roman dispute. This is about the only place one can find swearing in Latin- "ipso facto", "sic", etc. Or the taking of Toutanis' name in vain.
The first of the Asterix books , it is a very clever and witty piece of work on the Roman occupation of Gaul in 50 BC-with a fair amount of Latin quips in too -read Asterix and you'll soon become familiar with 'Quid' , 'Vae victo , vae victus' and 'Morituri te salutant'.
It begins with the familiar scene of well thumped Roman legionnaires reporting their defeat to an incensed Roman centurion (in this case Crismus Bonus) who then hatches a plan to deal with the Gauls which our heroes always in the end foil.
It also includes such recurring themes as Cacofonix and his hated singing , the magic potion (and why Obelix cannot have any ) and a guest appearance by Julius Caesar.It ends as always without he Gauls feasting their heroes 'under a starry sky...victorious over their enemies , thanks to magic the protection of the gods and low cunning'.
Unlike all of its successors in this book , Obelix does not even offer to accompany Asterix on his adventure (which is so unlike the Obelix we know from all of the other Asterix books).
There are some gaps in the dialogue and there is unusually not one woman or girl in the first book . drawbacks which will be made up for in the other Asterix books.
Nevertheless it is a great start to your Asterix collection and an amusing little book.
But quite possibly this is the sort of book that still sells most of its copies in bookstores--because it's the kind of read where one might pick it up because of the pictures, and then, as one gets deeper in, one realizes "Hey, this is amazingly silly, intelligent, and fun. I'm halfway through and already I know I'm going to have to read it again because there are still some new jokes for me to pick up on. I'd better buy it and bring it home so I can read it through a second time." And when you bring it home--it's quite possible for Asterix to become an obsession, and you find yourself returning, time and time again, to the bookstore, to try to find copies of other books in the series.
The early books in the series are without question the best (I say "books" advisedly, these are short graphic novels ie classy comic books). As the series ballooned in popularity, the stories began to fall into an established pattern that is less interesting than the brilliant twists and turns that are hallmark of, say, Asterix the Gaul, Asterix and Cleopatra, and Asterix and the Olympic games (certain 'tics' were possibly brought on by aggressive fan mail, one can't help but feel). The puns and wordgames of these earlier books range from subtle to screaming and are a sort of "gift that keeps on giving"--some of them will certainly pass you by until you pick up some scraps of Latin and Classical history and advanced education in general. Better still, the historical material is slipped in in such a sly way that as one reads it, one starts asking questions. "Did Cleopatra really have a big nose?" "What *was* the Roman occupation of Gaul really like?" The series sparks a lovely desire to know more--and is also, I would suggest, an unacknowledged idea source, a la Tolkien and C.S. Lewis, for many fantasy writers actively working today.
But what none of my words above capture is the sheer demonic sense of FUN in these books. Read these books--you may not even like them the first time through. Try them again later--suddenly you'll get it. Like most classical works of art and literature, it is how you perceive these books over time that matters--and over time, Asterix holds up.
Indomitably so.
List price: $14.00 (that's 20% off!)
Patton did not write extensively; he was challenged by dyslexia. But he said a lot, was often quoted, and was written about. Historians have a rich treasure of who this unusual man was and the impact he had on others . . . and ultimately on the world. His approach to his work was clear and direct, making him an excellent case study and role model. Role model? A man who spat profanity in almost every sentence? Ah, look beyond the rough exterior that actually endeared him to his men. Look at how Patton thought, his philosophies. That's where the lessons are.
This book delivers 183 of those lessons in short, tight, bite-size pieces. This is a book you can read cover-to-cover or refer to as an inspirational resource. Each lesson is constructed as a Patton quote, with Axelrod's interpretation of the meaning, the purpose, and the impact of the words. The flavor throughout the book is how Patton's military style and experience applies to management and leadership of today's business organization. Or any organization, for that matter.
The beginning of the book includes an enlightening biographical profile of Patton to understand the context of the man. The volume concludes with some recommended reading and a helpful index.
As a reviewer, I'm tempted to start listing some of the titles of those 183 lessons. I'll resist, because it will be too difficult to present a representative sample. Every page of this book is filled with concise, valuable insights. Thought-provoking as well as inspiring, Patton on Leadership should be read-and applied-by leaders at all levels. Invest a few dollars and some of your reading time. You'll get a good return on your investment with this book.
1. What He Did and Who He Was (Patton's Achievement and Background)
2. "A Commander Will Command" (On the Dimensions of Leadership)
3. "Always Attack, Never Surrender" (On Developing a Winning Attitude)
4. "How Do We Know That?" (On Fact Finding, Preparation, and Planning)
5. "Speed -- Simplicity -- Boldness" (On Execution and Opportunity)
6. "The Soldier Is the Army" (On Training, Mentoring, Motivating, and Inspiring)
7. "Letters of Instruction" ((On Communication and Coordination)
8. "Only One Direction -- Forward" (On Creating Efficiency)
9. "Success Is How High You Can Bounce When You Hit Bottom" (On Courage and Character)
10. "Audacity" (On Managing the Impossible)
I provide the chapter titles and subtitles to suggest the specific areas in which Axelrod examines Patton's ideas. Patton remains one of the 20th century's best-known and least-understood military leaders. Mention his name and most people immediately conjure an image of George C. Scott whose inspired portrayal provided an accurate but incomplete representation of Patton. It is worth noting that Patton's strategies minimized casualties of his own troops while maximizing destruction of those whom his troops opposed, that he assembled an extraordinarily talented staff to whom he delegated effectively and whose members remained steadfastly loyal to him, and that under his leadership his troops achieved truly stunning results, often with severely limited resources and under political constraints. There is a great deal to learn from this man...and Axelrod has done a brilliant job of suggesting what that is.
Axelrod includes a Recommended Readings section to which I presume to add Puryear's 19 Stars (A Study in Military Character and Leadership). In it, Puryear examines the careers of George S. Patton, Jr., Dwight D. Eisenhower, Douglas MacArthur, and George C. Marshall. You may also wish to check out Sun Tzu's The Art of War (Oxford University Press) and von Clausewitz's On War (Penguin).
First of all, this book reads well and fast, and it's hard to put down. Mr. Axelrod tells a great story, conveys the essence of Patton's Generalship and Management styles, and along the way adds some very good history. Axelrod clears up the legends and myth surrounding the famous slapping incident, and details the campaigns into Bastogne and to Berlin in short, clear and entertaining fashion. It was truly enjoyable to read this book.
To keep the record straight, the format of the book allows for a 3 - 4 hour total read time due to the fact that many of the pages have only 18 - 25 lines of print on them, where as others are in standard layout. The stories will excite, entertain, and cause "out-loud" laughter. The language is harsh sometimes, but perfectly appropriate to the original situation.
I say get the SOB book and read it "...every God damn night", and smile.
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That's just one stab at explaining one of many reasons that I loved this book, though. I recomend it wholeheartedly.
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The book is immaculately researched and thouroughly footnoted. It is a must read for anyone interested in the history of New England or even just in how people interact with their eco-system in general.
These changes seemed very subtle at first. In order to trade for metal utensils, the Indians killed more and more beaver (83). In this way the Indians started to view nature, or their environment, as a commodity instead of a gift to be shared (92). Cronon does not assume that the Indians had no effect upon their native environment (viii) nor that the colonists came to a pristine wilderness (11). What Cronon does enumerate is how the two sets of ecological relationships, Indian and colonist, came to live upon the same land (15). Early in the affiliation, the European settlers came to disrespect the Indians, because although the Indians lived in a land overflowing with natural "wealth," the Indians looked like the poor back in Europe (54). Marshall Sahlins is quoted by Cronon, "there are in fact two ways to be rich, [. . .] Wants may be 'easily satisfied' either by producing much or desiring little" (79-80). The indigenous residents of New England desired little, while the European colonists seemed economically motivated to produce much from the land and introduced the Old World concepts of value and scarcity, using cost as the only constraint to consider (81) (168).
Unfortunately, neither the land nor the Indians could withstand the monumental alterations to come: an Indian "money" system in the form of wampum (97), epidemics which wiped out entire villages (85-90), the severe reduction in native animal populations (98-101), domesticated animals that grazed wildly on indigenous plants and even ocean clams (128-150), deforestation (109-126), the surface of the earth responding more drastically to climatic changes (122-123), flooding (124), the "drying up of streams and springs" (125), land ownership and pastoralism replacing shared land conservation (137-141), soil depletion (147-152), and the introduction of weeds and migrant pests (153-155). The New England landscape went from forests and freedom to "fields and fences" (156). This book vividly correlates the significant and divergent relationship between the New England Indians, the colonial settlers, and the environment they could no longer share. Changes in the Land by William Cronon, winner of the 1984 Francis Parkman Prize, serves as a fine academic example in cross-curricular historical documentation.
The main point William Cronon explains in Changes in the Land is why the landscape of New England differs in 1800 at the start of the industrial revolution from 1600 prior to the arrival of the first Europeans, clearing up some misconceptions about this change along the way. He first emphasizes that the common conception of New England as a dense primeval forest is not wholly correct. Understanding of early New England ecology is based on journals and reports of the Europeans who first visited and settled there, whose viewpoints were not those of scientists but rather of farmers, trappers, and merchants. Because of this, descriptions of New England were based on what Europe was not, and tells as much about conditions of England of that time as they do of new England. Europe was disease-ridden, crowded, cold (with firewood being a luxury), but civilized. New England was thus described as a healthy, rat-free, dense forest just waiting for the touch of God via man's hand to tame it. While these points were true, New England was also a diverse area with landscapes varying from the dense forests of northern New England, the open glades of southern New England, the seashore to the salt marshes.
The Indians recognized this diversity of their land, and in order to utilize the wide variety of natural resources available, a mobile lifestyle had to be adopted. A nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyle does not lead to accumulation of goods because one's possession must be carried on one's back. In turn, status within a tribe was not garnered through collection of goods, but through kin relation and prowess of the hunt. The lack of emphasis on ownership extended to the land. While a tribe could have or give rights to a particular use of an area of land for the duration of its use (for example for one harvest), land ownership was not as all-consuming and permanent as the European definition of it.
Europeans ventured to a new land, but kept their old ideas of ownership and commodity alive. To them, the Indians lack of settlement and "improvement" on the land represented a laziness of the Indians. Thus, the only land that truly belonged to the Indians was the land women planted crops. This excluded the much larger Indian ranges of land where hunting, trapping, and gathering was done, so that "English colonists could use Indian hunting and gathering for expropriating Indian land" (56). As land available for Indian usage disappeared, the Indians had to adopt a more sedentary life that interacted with European demands and economies. Because resources were abundant, and labor was scarce (the opposite situation of Europe), policies were adopted that maximized labor with no regard for resources, leading to wastefulness of the forest for lumber, fuel, and clearing of the land. An example of this was 'driving a piece' "in which lumberers cut notches in a row of small trees and then felled a larger tree on top of them, thus cushioning its fall so as to protect it from shattering" (111). The early settler's wastefulness even horrified fellow Westerners in Europe, causing an observer to write of Americans, "their eyes are fixed upon the present gain, and they are blind to the future" (122).
Besides the decline of trees and the animals that habituated in them, the effects of deforestation were felt strongly in the climate. The forest provided a buffer against extreme conditions. Without it, summers were hotter, winters were colder, and the ground froze deeper. The water-holding capacity of the land was reduced, causing greater run-offs and flooding, and finally resulting in dry soil and erratic streams that were dry for much of the year. Despite the changing negative conditions, the mind-set of resources equaling commodity caused colonists to "understand what they were doing in almost wholly positive terms, not as 'deforestation,' but as 'the progress of cultivation'" (126), which is still the mindset that exists in many today.