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Morris tells how Clinton instructs Morris to continue with the subterfuge to avoid the largely ineffective and overly quarrelsome Leon Panetta and Harold Ickes. Without Morris and his insight, Clinton no doubt would not have signed the Republican-sponsored Welfare Reform Act and would have lost in 1996. Morris, who is a foot shorter than Clinton, was tackled by Clinton while in Arkansas, only later to be consoled by Hillary as she told him that Bill only does that to people he loves. With friends like that...
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It's really quite chilling to read Lyons' account of how processed the NY Time's version of "news" was, how much of the truth they covered up, and how few of the inconvenient facts they allowed their readers to see. The Time's just prints all the news that fits the myth. It's very scary that most other newspapers follow the mighty Times like sheep and just accept their accounts.
I really didn't have much sympathy for Hillary Clinton until I read this book, and now I have some insight into what she endured, and why she made certain decisions. It's a disturbing and uncomfortable truth that Lyons tells, but Americans need to know.
Two years later, at around the 1996 elections, Lyons and the editors of Harper's came up with this book. More than just a recounting of the Whitewater saga, this book is one of the most damning indictments of journalistic malpractice ever written. At the core of the book is the behavior of journalists at various newspaper and broadcast media outlets in general, with particular emphasis on the New York Times and the now-discredited reporter Jeff Gerth. Needless to say, Lyons' book got a lousy review in the NYT Book Review, yet nobody has ever refuted anything Lyons wrote. Indeed, his book has stood the test of time.
Breezily written, yet meticulously researched, Lyons' book can be read in a sitting or two. I also recommend the section in the back of the book featuring a discussion with Lyons and a number of other journalists with regard to the lack of journalistic standards in the Whitewater reporting.
This book can also be seen as a forerunner to Lyons' (and Joe Conason's) upcoming book on the so-called Clinton Scandals, "The Hunting of the President." If that book is anything like "Fools for Scandal," it should be very good, indeed. Lyons and Conason will still not be invited to the Georgetown cocktail parties, however.
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First, the Persian Gulf War barely gets 20 pages, and it is almost all seen through the lens of the Air Force Colonel (John Warden) who planned the innovative air campaign. This is not really new or scandalous - Gordon and Traynor covered this in "The General's War" and you can find it in other sources. The only other mention you get is how tired Bush was from the Gulf War, and how it prevented him from tackling the Bosnia problem. Overall, Considering the subtitle is "Bush, Clinton and the Generals" Bush gets shorted.
Second, while the portraits of the personalities are vivid, there just isn't anything really new or insightful here. Indeed, there were many vignettes where I felt like I had read this somewhere before. Bob Woodward's "The Commanders" is still the definitive Gulf War decision-making work, Elizabeth Drew's "On the Edge" covers Clinton's decision making shortcomings, Ivo Daalder's "Getting to Dayton" covers Bosnia u1p to 1995; Daalder and O'Hanlon's "Winning Ugly" has everything about Kosovo.
As a student of international relations, my standards are a little higher. This book is useful to the extent it consolidates a lot of existing work, but it falls just a little short of being really deep or groundbreaking. Not even close to "Best and the Brightest."
The main thrust of the book is an examination of the effect the end of the Cold War had on U.S. foreign policy. Much of Halberstam's discussion focuses on two related themes: first, the decline in importance of foreign policy in American politics following the removal of the Communist threat; and second, the loss of clear-cut foreign-policy philosophies and objectives without the Soviets as an enemy. Halberstam proves his first thesis quickly enough with this fact: the first President Bush, despite his successes in the Cold War and the Gulf War, couldn't get himself reelected in 1992 in the face of the Clinton campaign's "It's the economy, stupid" logic because the American public didn't care as much about foreign affairs as it had even five years ago. The second theme of the book, regarding the ambiguity that accompanied foreign policy in the nineties, is reflected in the debates over just how and how much the U.S. should get involved in battles in faraway places like Somalia and (especially) the former Yugoslavia. Central to these debates was a fundamental question: should America, with its overwhelming military might, use its military as a police force in areas in which it lacked a vital national interest? In the wake of Vietnam, this was not an easy question to answer, and it loomed large over many of the Clinton administration's important foreign-policy decisions. Halberstam goes to great lengths to discuss the complex mix of factors that influenced these decisions in the Clinton years: American electoral politics, international politics, the internal machinations of the military, American public opinion, changes in journalistic practices, advances in military technology, Bill Clinton's personal problems, the legacy of Vietnam, and much more. Halberstam also gives the reader biographical sketches of many of the major American political and military players, as if to try to explain the impact their own experiences had on their views. He's sympathetic to these people, but at the same time Halberstam has a keen understanding of their weaknesses and how they worked against them.
I'm not really what you'd call a foreign politics or current events aficionado, but I think that may be why I found this book such a good read. It has enough detail to provide a comprehensive overview of American foreign policy in the post-Cold War period, without getting too bogged down in minutiae. At the same time, Halberstam demonstrates a remarkable perceptiveness in tracing the links between events and personalities that shaped America's actions. Highly recommended.
I agree with reviewers who thought that the author has a liberal bias -- Halberstam tends to view the Clinton administration and the Democratic liberals as kinder, gentler, "aw-shucks" foreign policy doves, i.e. the kind of people who just "happen" to get caught up in nasty little international conflicts. Meanwhile, Republicans are portrayed as significantly more trouble-friendly and hawkish, to use a much-bandied-about phrase. Still, despite Halberstam's leanings, he does not hide the Clinton administration's obvious failings in the foreign policy arena. He is quite brutal at times in his descriptions of Clinton as a petulant man-child who doesn't like to be wrong and, more importantly, doesn't like anyone else to be right either.
The one flaw with this book, if it is a flaw, is simply that it was written before September 11. As such, it has a dated quality to it, like when you read about WWII or Vietnam. The world dynamic was significantly altered by 9/11 and it will be interesting to see if Halberstam picks up where he left off and writes the post-9/11 chapters of this book.
Overall, though, a must read.
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Civil libertarians should be troubled by the attempts of the administration to limit privacy over our internet commmunications and in banking. The book also gives a good summary of why the military intervention in Kosovo was such a blunder. Interestingly, I just read in the paper this morning that an American serviceman pleaded guilty to raping and murdering an ethnic Albanian girl in Kosovo. Is this what Clinton meant by a humanitarian intervention? Other areas covered include the War on Drugs, agricultural policy, HUD abuses and gun control efforts.
I had recently read Bovard's previous book, Freedom In Chains, which I gave 5 stars. One of the weaknesses of "feeling your pain" is that Bovard recycles some of the same material. There are even entire paragraphs that look like they were cut and pasted from "Freedom". But since some of the issues he looks at were the same, I suppose we cannot expect him to reword everything he said. This book also differs from Freedom In Chains thematically. Whereas "Freedom" examined the concepts of freedom and liberty and the conflict between liberty and statism in a philosophical framework, his current work looks at how the Clinton Administration's policies have curtailed or threatened to curtail our liberties in a number of policy areas.
While some of Bovard's detractors may dismiss "feeling your pain" as just another Clinton bashing book, Bovard acknowledges that the Republicans would not have had a much better track record on many of these issues if they controlled the White House. This book is a must for anyone who wants ammunition to argue with a die hard Clinton partisan.
The common thread is a executive branch gobbling ever increasingly amount of control over normal people's lives while dishing out intellectually contorted reasoning appealing to people's emotions and fears. Intentions are always more important than results, activity more desired than progress, the end always justifies the means, and the truth is simply a tool to be used, warped, or discarded to advance one's aims. When we are constantly told that "it's all old news" or "just about sex", the casual political observer can't help but sit back and wonder about the lies we don't know about. This is what the book is all about.
I recommend you read the one star review from the person from California ("Hatred, not analysis"). This is an ironic message that illustrates all that the Clinton administration wants you to swallow. The reviewer reminds you that any dissenting opinion is simply "right wing hatred". He/she -- knows -- that the author has his facts wrong but won't tell you how they know this nor site any examples of these errors ("just trust me..."). What the Clinton-Gore apologists want us to believe is that any administration discretion is just a rare, isolated brush fire that really isn't a big issue, has been dealt with and there's nothing to worry about except when one steps back and examines the forest they find that the entire landscape is in flames.
I personally feel that Bovard should also be commended for continually reminding his readers about the abuses of civil liberties and human rights which happened at Waco and Ruby Ridge. Bovard's chapters on these almost forgotten scandals parallel those in "Lost Rights," although the chapter on Waco is more in depth to the aftermath of Waco. Bovard also offers extensive documentation of his resources in case readers want to verify Bovard's conclusions.
Basically, the only reason I am giving this book only four stars is because it covers the same material as "Lost Rights." Nevertheless, it still an excellent book from one of America's best liberatarian writers.
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Anyone who dismisses this book as unsubstanstiated is obviously partisana and also hasn't been paying attention to the news for the last eight years. An objective and reasonable person will see the truth and the truth is what is written is true and well documented. Mind you this is a close friend of Bill Clinton who wrote the book! No agenda - just truth for those who can accept it.
This book highlights the pattern of deceit, drug use and corruption. Frankly, I'd rather not be in denial but admit the obvious about this man. Hopefull the American people will never allow someone of this low calibur ever become President again.
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In short, it's a delicious book, so go out and buy it right now for $26. ($39.50 in Canada), and get ready for a good time.
By far the best part of this spectacular tome is Ms. Schmidt's detailing of the Monica Lewinsky affair, in all its lucious and tasty details.
The legend of the Linda Lovelace of the White House will live on in glory, thanks to Ms. Schmidt. Here's what you get:
Details about Monica Lewinsky agreeing to testify publicly about what happened. The background investigation of Monica by the DOD and others. The tale of the famous blue dress with semen stains. The charges against and possible indictment of Monica. The tale of Bill Clinton, his cigar, and Monica. Clinton's (many) denials of his relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. Details of Clinton's sexual relationship with Monica. The place of Betty Currie in all this. The fingerprinting of Monica Lewinsky. The testimony of Monica's friends to the Grand Jury. Monica's gifts to and from Clinton. Mr. Ginsburg, the famous lawyer. The spicy grand jury testimony. Monica's handwritten admission about what went on. The importance of the grand jury testimony. The Paula Jones case and Monica. Vernon Jordan and Monica. Oral sex while Clinton talks to Dick Morris on the telephone (this last also listed in the book's steamier than average index under "Lewinsky, Monica"). Phone sex (also in the index). "Prom Night" (initial OIC interview at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel). Monica's status as "Queen for a Day." Monica's reaction to Clinton's second TV address. Mr. Speights as a lawyer. Stein and Cacheris as lawyers for Monica. Her strategy to lie about her relationship with Clinton and her affidavit about that subject. Her tanturm when Eleanor Mondale saw Bill Clinton. Her testimony given to OIC (Office of the Investigative Counsel) at Ken Starr's mother-in-law's house. Linda Tripp and Monica. Tripp's taped conversations with Monica. Monica's Valentine's Day message to Clinton (very romantic!). Her VANITY FAIR photo, and many, many more splendid details, all guaranteed to satisfy.
The dignity and splendor of the Clinton White House will live on forever thanks to this great book. It is truly a winner. It deals with many other anti-Clinton subjects than Monica, but the handling of Monica is by far the best part of the book and the best treatment of the entire subject to be found ANYWHERE!
Read this book. It's terrific.
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Talbott will not be remembered by the Sovietological community for those things he describes in his book, which seem superfluous and self-glorifying. He will be mostly remembered for three events. The first is the billions of dollars wasted of U.S. aid money that he personally oversaw to Russia. The government of Viktor Chernomyrdin (whose personal fortune is estimated at over 10 billion dollars) squandered much U.S. aid money yet Talbott ignored the many warning signs and continued to advocate lending and aid to the Chernomyrdin government with the excuse that Russia is too big to lose.
Second, Talbott will be remembered for the disdainful way in which he treated the genuine Russian democrats that could have given that country a chance, while assisting former communist officials. Talbott famously under-cut the Russian reformers in 1993 when he quipped that "Russia needs more therapy and less shock," referring to the program of "shock therapy" that the reform-minded finance minister Fyodorov was trying to implement. Fyodorov later mentioned that Talbott had "stabbed us in the back." Later that year, the head of the largest pro-democracy movement in Russia, Galina Starovoitova, pleaded with Talbott for assistance in convincing a foreign TV star popular in Russia, to appear in commercials to help the democrats in the December 1993 parliamentary elections. Talbott refused to even return her calls. However, both the U.S. ambassador in Belarus (David Swartz) and the democratic leader of that country at that time (Stanislau Shushkevich) accused Talbott of using U.S. aid to help communist politicians there.
The third event that makes Talbott memorable are the widespread suspicions and accusations of his prior involvement with Soviet state security, the KGB. Some suspect that Talbott may have collaborated with the KGB to portray the USSR in a favorable light as Time Magazine correspondent (which he did) in exchange for access (which he had). Talbott was evasive in his confirmation hearings at the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on the specific issue of his contacts and relation with a KGB agent named Louie.
These three events are not explored in his self-glorifying book, which is why those seeking to understand those tumultuous times read instead some other book, such as the account by former ambassador Jack Matlock.
This book bounces from issue to issue, following events as far as dates rather than consolidating the efforts of the president and Talbot into subject by subject chapters.
I was also lost with names. He floods the reader with Russian names, mentioning there titles once or twice in the entire piece. This makes for very hard reading when trying to make sense of the various Vladmirs.
Nothing can be truly learned from the book and would be much better suited to a Tom Clancy reader who is not expecting a plot.
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In many ways this book reveals how shallow politics can get. Morris is an extremely influential political actor in the Clinton White House and is able to expertly navigate the President through the dangerous aftermath of the 1994 Newt Gingrich and Bob Dole midterm Republican advances. Moreover, there is no doubt that Morris laid the foundation for Bill Clinton's second term victory.
Morris does not enjoy the victory...he goes out in disgrace. Nevertheless, this book shows how the author's twenty-year relationship with William Jefferson Clinton and his wife Hillary allowed this couple from Arkansas to survive many political storms. Morris is a master of polling and offers many insights on how polling tracks voter thinking on many sensitive issues. This book is easy to read and a straightforward account of how the "big boys" win in the political arena.
Bert Ruiz