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When I bought this book i was a beginner. My serves were poor, sets average, kills average, blocks average, and passes were mediocre. After just a few weeks i had a great jump serve, monster kills, and incredible blocks. I love it.
If you are a beginner and want to improve quickly - this is for you. If you have been around a bit - you might find something useful in here but you probably already know this stuff. In depth strategy is lacking.
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You want C, you got C.
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In the politcially correct times that we live in today perhaps some of these notions will appear offensive, but in order to appreciate these man we must understand the times they lived in and try not to impose our own values upon them. Indeed, many Victorians would find our social values today strange to comprehend as well. Byron Farwell specializes in the Victorian military experience and his writtings on this topic are always witty and informative.
The reader may find it surprising that homosexuality was present in several of these gentlemen, namely Charles Gordon and Hector Macdonald. Again, we can attribute this to the oddities of the age which repressed such feelings on the surface, thereby encouraging their lurkings behind the scenes. It is doubtful that any of them would have preferred to advertise their inclinations as seems to be the norm today. Homosexuality was more discreet then, and perhaps that was a good thing in a way.
The military life that these men pursued perhaps inclined them toward a different lifestyle as the compnay of women was often infrequent in far outposts.
The talents of these generals certainly expanded the British Empire and made it one of the great epochs of its day. Farwell has provided a worthy addition to Lytton Strachey's earlier work, "Eminent Victorians". The reader will find all sorts of interesting and amusing aspects of these Eminent Victorian Generals.
Byron Hulsey's work is less a biography than a chronicle of Dirksen's long career in public life. Certainly, we are provided some basic details on his upbringing, personal life, and political campaigns. However, the overwhelming focus is on Senator Dirksen as a practitioner of "supra-partisan" politics, a term Hulsey coins to capture the period of political consensus and harmony that extended from the late 1950s through most of the 1960s. Hulsey depicts, time and again, how Dirksen, the Republican leader in the Senate, collaborated with the Democratic Kennedy and Johnson administrations to forge legislation and advance America's interests during the Cold War.
The election of Richard Nixon in 1968, Hulsey observes, ended the supra-partisan consensus, and ushered in a new period of acrimony and heated partisan division that continue to mark public life to this day. The ascension of a younger generation of legislators -- less deferential to the genteel traditions of the Senate -- and the aggressive Investigative Journalism ethic were contributing factors in the demise of supra-partisianship.
Fittingly, Hulsey observes, three major exponents of supra-partisanship passed from the public stage within a year of each other -- LBJ through retirement and Eisenhower and Dirksen through death.
This book opens a window on a bygone era, and will make for enjoyable reading for anyone interested in the workings of Washington, DC in the 1950s and 1960s.
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Oh, it's funny, alright. Just not the right kind of funny. "That was clever," you might say to yourself, after a romp through one of Garrison Keillor's prose pieces. "I wonder if I should chortle now? I think I shall... Chortle!" Or: "Look, mum: alliteration! How ingenious. I marvel at the textbook examples of Comedy found herein." It's humour of the head, as you can see, but rarely humour from the gut. The kind that causes an unexpected snort, embarrassing you in a room full of stranger. Or, the kind that promises a swift trip up the nasal passages for the mouthful of milk you just gulped. This is the kind of visceral humour that I expected. Alas, I did not get it.
Let me show you what I mean, by giving some examples of Head-Funny (not Gut-Funny) pieces: Polly Frost's 'Notes on My Conversations', in which the author imagines herself as a professional conversationalist; Thomas Meehan's 'Yma Dream', in which the author must disastrously introduce a series of guests at a party he is throwing (example: "Ilya, Ira, here's Yma, Ava, Oona. Ilya, Ira -- Ona, Ida, Abba, Ugo, Aga." You get the idea); Roger Angell's 'Ainmosni', in which the author devises a simple plan for curing insomnia: playing with well-known palindromes! ("A woman, a plan, a canal: Panamowa"); Bill Franzen's 'Hearing From Wayne', in which Wayne sends a postcard to Bill... from the afterlife. Don't get me wrong: I enjoyed all these pieces. Immensely. But the promised laughs didn't materialize. Instead, I got pieces that made me think, that made me ponder, that made me contemplate. But laugh? No. Not out loud, anyway (and frankly, an out-loud laugh is the only kind that counts).
I will admit, though, that there were isolated moments of gut-busting. Chet Williamson's 'Gandhi at the Bat', in which the The Mahatma pinch-hits for Red Ruffing. "C'mon, Moe!" Babe Ruth pleads. "Show 'em the old pepper!" To which Gandhi replies: "I will try, Mr. Baby!" Jack Handey's 'Stunned' is a surreal account of a man and his telescope, through which he has discovered conclusive evidence of life outside our own solar system (or has he?). Noah Baumbach's 'Keith Richards' Desert-Island Disks' takes said list, published in Pulse magazine, and imagines what would happen if Keef actually ended up on the island with only these disks (hint: he gets sick of "Tutti Frutti" pretty quickly). Anthony Lane's 'Looking Back in Hunger' is a wonderfully vitriolic look at cookbooks, and how they mess with our minds. Martin Amis' 'Tennis Personalities' proves in two scant pages why I think he is the only perfect writer working today (regular readers of this space will already know I think this way). And in the book's final section we get some perfectly precise verse, most notably from E.B. White, Dorothy Parker, and Ogden Nash.
In his introduction, David Remnick (or is it Henry Finder?) points out that "you might be ill-advised to read this book straight through" because, and here he quotes Russell Baker, "humour is funny when it sneaks up on you and takes you by surprise." Having come to the end of this anthology, I suspect they're right. Expectations can sometimes sap energy. Calling something "An Anthology of Humour Writing" might just wring the humour out of it. But I hope that the examples I've given above indicate that when the collection isn't funny, and it's rarely gut-bustingly funny, it is still highly worthwhile.
The litany of White's accomplishments and his early rise to the court serve to obscure the lines of his jurisprudence, which he never made an attempt to clarify. Hutchinson's principal accomplishment is to discern from the mass of White's opinions a sound jurisprudential framework obscured by bulk of White's output (1,275 opinions in 31 years), and in doing so refute the assertion that White was unpredictable.
Although White was popularly described as a conservative jurist, this confounds the term as it is used to describe a specific interpretive philosophy with the judicial tradition which White came to exemplify. Today judicial conservatism is virtually synonymous with "original meaning," the method of constitutional interpretation that holds that the Constitution means only what it was understood to mean by those whose assent made it law. This has certain implications, among them that the Congress's powers are limited to those enumerated, that the three branches of federal government and their powers are strictly separated, and that the states retain inviolable spheres of sovereignty. In this sense, White was not a conservative at all. Where, say, Justice Antonin Scalia would subscribe to these general notions, White would not. For instance, while Scalia believes that the law permitting the appointment of Independent Counsels violates the separation of powers doctrine (Morrison v. Olson), White sees it as a permissible experimentation with the form of government. And though Scalia believes that the powers of Congress are, however tangentially, limited (Lopez v. United States) and that the states retain areas of discretion where the Congress may not intrude (Printz v. United States), White views the powers of the Congress as essentially unlimited (Katzenbach v. McClung) and the states as retaining no sovereignty that the Congress is obliged to respect (Garcia v. San Antonio Metro. Transit Authority). Although Hutchinson views "New Deal liberal" and "pragmatist" as imperfect labels, his carefully wrought and insightful analysis of White's jurisprudence nonetheless establishes that they are fair and roughly approximate descriptions of Justice White.
In it's judicial aspect the New Deal generally sought to eliminate restrictions on the exercise of federal power. These breaks on government power were exemplified early in this century by an activist libertarian Supreme Court's invocation of natural rights and non-textual notions of substantive due process to strike economic regulation. Lochner v. New York, where the court struck down regulations on the working hours of bakers as a violation of their liberty to contract their labor, is perhaps the most famous bugbear of New Dealers. But restrictions also came in the form of the enumerated powers doctrine and in the form of early criminal procedure cases which, as Professor Akhil Reed Amar of Yale has noted, invoked natural law and private property rights, and thus restricted the government's policing powers. All of these, in one way or another, restricted federal action. Judges of New Deal era, then, had a distinctly negative ambition: To remove the restrictions on the exercise of federal power so that the Congress, acting with the Executive, could enact social reform.
The ambition of liberal judges changed, of course, with the rise of "the real Warren Court," which historian David P. Currie of the University of Chicago dates to the replacement of Justice Frankfurter by Arthur Goldberg late in 1962. "Willful judges," as Justice Scalia describes them, were no longer content with deferring to the overtly political branches, but were now eager to enact social reform themselves. The criminal procedure cases of the Warren Court were animated by the ideas that policing by the states was institutionally racist and that crime was a manifestation of disease, not evil, and should be addressed as a public health concern. Steeped in the New Deal idea of the judicial function, however, White largely dissented from Warren Court's innovations. He dissented from Miranda v Arizona, which mandated the now famous warnings to criminal suspects; prefiguring contemporary arguments, he wrote "there will not be a gain, but a loss, in human dignity" because under Miranda some criminals will be returned to the street to repeat their crimes.. White would also labor to limit the scope of rule excluding from trial illegally obtained evidence, and would dissent from Robinson v. California, where the court struck down a California statute criminalizing narcotics addiction. The court said that the state could not punish a person's "status" as an addict, only his conduct; White, sensibly enough, pointed out that addiction accrues through continuous willful behavior.
White was a pragmatist. He didn't believe that the provisions of the Bill of Rights had a "single meaning" or that constitutional provisions could be measured like the provisions of a deed, in "metes and bounds," but he was insistent that constitutional innovations be small and slow, and linked in a rational process. His father taught him that "You can't just stand on your rights all the time in a small town," and White had a lifetime aversion to "the angels of fashionable opinion," as Hutchinson memorably calls ideologues of various stripe. But White's contempt for philosophy could lead him astray. In Reitman v. Mulkey, White wrote the opinion of the court holding that California could not repeal a fair housing law because the repeal was motivated by animus toward minorities. In time, the case was precedent for the current Supreme Court's invalidation, in Romer v. Evans, of Colorado's attempt to deny homosexuals privileged legal status, and for a lower federal court to stay the implementation of California's Proposition 209, barring racial and sexual discrimination in state services. Pragmatism unguided by a philosophy lead White to judgments the long-term ill consequences of which he was not equipped to foresee.
However, White's small-step pragmatism and disdain for ideological enthusiasms kept him from joining most of the Warren and Burger Court's radical social agenda. Although he was willing to recognize, in Griswold v. Connecticut, a non-textual right to privacy permitting married couples access to contraception and even was willing to extend the right to non-married couples in Eisenstadt v. Baird, White famously and vigorously dissented from Roe v. Wade, privately telling people that he thought it was the only illegitimate decision the court made during his tenure. Perhaps just as upsetting to the votaries of judicial activism was White's majority opinion in Bowers v. Hardwick, which held that Georgia could constitutionally prohibit homosexual sodomy. White briskly dismissed the argument that homosexual activity was constitutionally protected: "[T]o claim that a right to engage in such conduct is 'deeply rooted in this nation's history and tradition' or 'implicit in the concept of ordered liberty' is, at best, facetious."
In an sense, White was precisely the type of conservative -- one who slows progress, but does not reverse it; one who ratifies the past, whatever its content -- that liberals claim they want. Except for Roe, White would later vote to reaffirm precedent, on the basis of stare decisis, with which he had earlier disagreed. And yet, few modern justices -- except, perhaps, Justice Clarence Thomas -- have been the object of so much vitriol as White. When White retired in 1993, Jeffrey Rosen of the New Republic called White "a perfect cipher" and a "mediocrity," Bruce Ackerman of Yale said he was "out of his depth," and the New York Times' Tom Wicker called him the "bitterest legacy of the Kennedy Administration." The best Calvin Trillin, writing in The Nation, could say of White was "We count his loyalty to team a boon/The other side might well select a loon" -- this in backhanded praise that White retired during a Democratic administration. These facile slurs betray the mercurial enthusiasms of the age more than they carefully trace the lineaments of Justice White's jurisprudence and are therefore more reflective of their authors than White's jurisprudence.
In many ways White is entirely alien to today's culture, popular and lega
Farwell spends a lot of time describing President Wilson's effort to manage the war, US troop strength and training, supply problems, the effect of the war on the home front, the difficulty of black soldiers and the view of the war through the eyes of common soldiers and not so common soldiers such as George Patton and Harry Truman.
Along the way, Farwell debunks several commonly held (at least to me) notions about the war, such as: the air war had no strategic effect on the outcome; Germany's U-Boat war caused big problems for US shipping before and during the war; and that the US had to rely on France for guns and Britain to ship the troops to Europe.
John Richmond provides wonderful narration throughout, including French accents where appropriate and providing the proper pronunciations to the French towns and villages.
All in all, a good primer, though not in-depth narration, for how the US fought WWI.
Farwell spends a lot of time describing President Wilson's effort to manage the war, US troop strength and training, supply problems, the effect of the war on the home front, the difficulty of black soldiers and the view of the war through the eyes of common soldiers and not so common soldiers such as George Patton and Harry Truman.
Along the way, Farwell debunks several commonly held (at least to me) notions about the war, such as: the air war had no strategic effect on the outcome; Germany's U-Boat war caused big problems for US shipping before and during the war; and that the US had to rely on France for guns and Britain to ship the troops to Europe.
John Richmond provides wonderful narration throughout, including French accents where appropriate and providing the proper pronunciations to the French towns and villages.
All in all, a good primer, though not in-depth narration, for how the US fought WWI.
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Byron's greatest strength is in his use of exemplary writing. The difficult task of shifting through an annual report to find nuggets of truth and potential problems is a difficult task. Byron is a mine detector when he evaluates a stock for you. And he uses terminology that allows the novice reader to understand the most complicated of financial terms and equations.
I believe that the mark of a great writer is shown by the ability of a highly intelligent person to convey difficult concepts in a manner that the dumbest of people can understand. Byron is one of the few great personal finance writers of our time because even I, a great fool in the stock market, can understand what Byron is trying to explain to novice traders.
I've been actively trading for years and I have read all of the Fool books, Suze Orman, Rich Dad, et. al and this ranks right up there as one of the best. If you've never heard of Chris, I think he does a streaming show on MSNBC at Noon each day that you can check out. His style is his irreverant and inimitable.
You'll find yourself laughing and really learning how to uncover and decipher information from some of the more informative web sites like Edgar-Online and others.
Buy the book, you'll have no regrets