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What is naggingly annoying about a book dealing with (in this case) an upper-class protagonist are the misstatements in the first part of the book regarding the English upper classes and how they got to be that way by the mid-18th century.
First, Cline has this thing about barons, and he consigns earls to a kind of lesser status after the Norman Conquest "because they were created by Letters Patent." Not true. William's principal vassals were earls (a title taken from the Saxons in lieu of count, which was a continental term). To be sure, there were greater and lesser barons (as a generic term), but the earls were always in the former category, and it had nothing to do with Letters Patent: it had to do with land and men. The great magnates were earls. Think of William (the) Marshal during the reign of Henry III in the 12th century, the Percys (Earls of Northumberland), Talbot (Earl of Shrewsbury), and Warwick the "King Maker" during the 15th centure. Indeed, creations by Letters Patent were not used to any degree until the late 14th century under Richard II, and didn't really come into vogue until the Tudors. Most men were called to Parliament under Writs of Summons.
Second, Cline makes a point the the Earl of Danvers' title (by Letters Patent) had a limitation to heirs male as if this were something special. Virtually all such grants were in fee tail male (male primogeniture), although most of the barons by Writ were were in fee tail general (women could inherit if there were no males). Why mention it if you're not going to get it right? Also, he keeps referring to "baronetcys" when he means to say "baronys." Baronets are not barons, they are one step below, being the first level of hereditary title. They are not peers, and didn't exist until the reign of James I (ca. 1620), who needed the money (he sold the titles to the untitled gentry) to colonize Nova Scotia. Originally, they weren't even called "Sir," just baronet. James didn't sell enough of them, so he had to give them a handle to add to their names. Sales surged, especially as their wives got to be called "Lady."
Lastly, while it was not completely uncommon in the higher levels of the peerage for a younger son to get a title of his own, it didn't happen as a matter of course, so Hugh's father would not be a baron (a peer himself) simply because his father (or his brother) was a earl. He'd be an "Honourable," which is the courtesy style accorded to an earl's younger son. As a younger son, and especially if he were a baron (as we are told) he could not engage in "trade" as directly as Cline suggests without losing social status. He could certainly manage the estates (or anything to do with land and like property) and even have private arrangements with smugglers, but dealing with "Cits" (as the London merchant class was known) would have to be far more circumspect.
It wouldn't have taken much more time to consult somebody about these nagging innacuracies,. If you're going to write historical fiction, you'd better get it correct, otherwise people like me will gripe instead of immersing ourselves in the story.
Jack Frake (book one in the series) and Hugh Kenrick (this book)are true heroes comparable to any in the works of Ayn Rand and Victor Hugo. Hollywood should start producing movies of these books now.
All good writing is timeless and one of the many virtues of this book is that it shows there is very little difference between the power-seekers who controlled the UK then and those in power now-the detail may have changed the principles remain the same. Cline has also shown us the British Aristocracy in its essence for the period rather than in what would have been long uninteresting, unnecessary detail-this being a work of fiction and not a historic treatise.
I have already read both parts twice and am immensely looking forward to book three (due November 2003) and the rest of the series.
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Included in the book are Thomas' many military victories: the complete defeat of a Confederate army at the battles of Mill Springs and Nashville, repulse of Hood's attacks at Atlanta, and of course, perhaps his most stunning achievement - holding the Confederate Army at bay on Snodgrass Hill while the rest of the Union Army retreated from Chickamauga.
Throughout the book Cleaves describes Thomas as a man who willingly subordinated his desires for the best of the nation, something lacking in most "leaders" today. Several times Cleaves describes Thomas as a calm, confident, and not easily shaken man in whom soldiers took great comfort in knowing he was in charge.
I only wish there would have been more maps used when describing the many battles Thomas participated in. Doing so would have made it easier for me to follow the troop movements, whether in an individual battle or a campaign.
All in all, an excellent read of an excellent general and gentleman. Thomas was a refreshing change from the self-promoting methods other "leaders" in the 1860's practiced - he would still be a rare gem if he were alive in today's world!!!
Union loyalists of Southern birth like Thomas, Buford, etc. were just as alone and alienated in their army as Southern loyalists of Northern birth like Pemberton. They suffered an ostracism, a fundamental distrust that really reached its peak in this country when we sent thousands and thousands of Japanese Americans to concentration camps in California in World War II while concurrently having their sons fight and die in Europe. Thomas' story is really no different and every bit as unfair.
This type of unfortunate, 'protective tuck' is a natural reaction during a national emergency. Fortunately, leading edge historians like Freeman Cleaves have left us a record of one man's sacrifice for the country of his birth.
George Thomas was not treated properly by anyone, North or South. Lincoln treats him as a political liability and pawn, Stanton fundamentally distrusts everyone of Southern heritage, and the Union troika of Grant, Sherman and Sheridan have much to be ashamed of: Grant for his smallness, Sheridan for the desertion of someone who must have been his mentor and Sherman for betraying a long standing friendship. The South simply refused to acknowledge his existence. When Thomas was down, everyone kicked. Being Southern born, he was an easy competitive target for both sides both during and after the war. He simply had no mentor anywhere.
Yet this courageous fighter survives much political intrigue to not only save a complete Union army from annihilation, an army by the way that he did not personally command but could have, but also completely destroys the South's Army of Tennessee and possibly, just possibly pulls Sherman and Grant's chestnuts out of the fire. Playing a key and fundamentally pivotal role in Grant and Shaman's grand strategy, after his success he is simply thrown aside like an old shoe and not just forgotten but treated miserably, like his very existence and success was an embarrassment to the victors.
Read this book! It is about an American patriot who sacrifices everything, his reputation, home, family and pre and post war friendships for the ability of the United States to develop into the world example it is today. It is the kind of story all Americans appreciate: doing the right thing while succeeding against all odds, foreign and domestic.
The reasons for Thomas' relative obscurity have been well stated in other reviews _ his southern heritage; his self-effacing disposition except (as Cleaves points out) when he felt he had been done an injustice. It didn't help that Sherman, one of his sponsors and Grant, his classmate at West Point, shut him out of the post-war glory and that he died in 1870, too early to establish a reputation.
Is the subtitle ("The Man who Save the Union?'') justified? Look at it this way: There's no question that Thomas' stand at Chickamauga made Sherman's campaign through Georgia possible. And if that hadn't happened, Lincoln might not have been re-elected in 1864, perhaps leading to a truce that would have left the nation split. That in itself is reason enough to celebrate Thomas.
But as Cleaves emphasizes, Thomas was more than that. Military historieans consider him one of the best defensive generals ever, a man who would have stood out in any war. And unlike many of our heroes, he was a decent man.
We could use more like him.
This 55-year-old book could use more readers.
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This book shows the development of the legendary skills of George Perez, on the title that made him famous to not one but two generations of comic readers. It reprints Volume One issues 161, 162, 194, 195, 196, a short Jarvis story from 201, and Annuals 6 and 8. The inking is inconsistent, with the best being Pablos Marcos's inking on 161 & 162 and Joe Rubenstein's inking on 194. The rest can be pretty rough, but you still get to see the development of one of the greatest comics storytellers of all time.
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Towards that end Sophocles creates a character, Chrysothemis, another sister to both Orestes and Electra. The situation is that Orestes is assumed to be dead and the issues is whether the obligation to avenge the death of Agamemnon now falls to his daughters. There is an attendant irony here in that Clytemnestra justified the murder of her husband in part because of his sacrifice of their oldest daughter Iphigenia before sailing off to the Trojan War (the curse on the House of Atreus, which involves Aegisthus on his own accord and not simply as Clytemnestra's lover, is important but clearly secondary). The creation of Chrysothemis allows for Sophocles to write a dialogue that covers both sides of the dispute. Electra argues that the daughters must assume the burden and avenge their father while Chrysothemis takes the counter position.
Sophocles does come up with several significant twists on the Aeschylus version. For one thing, Sophocles reverses the order of the two murders and has Clytemnestra slain first, which sets up an interesting scene when Aegisthus gets to revel over what he believes to be the corpse of Orestes and makes the death of the usurper the final scene of the play. This becomes part of the most significant difference between the Sophocles version and the others. Whereas Orestes emerges from the skene distraught after the murder of his mother in "Cheophoroe" and is repentant in the Euripides version of "Electra," Sophocles has Orestes calmly declaring that all in the house is well.
Electra is not as central a character to the drama as she is in the Euripides version, mainly because she does not have a functional purpose in this tragedy. Her main purpose is to lament over the death of the father and the supposed death of her brother. She does not provide Orestes with a sense of resolve because in this version he does not consult the oracles to learn whether or not he should kill his mother but rather how he can do the deed. Still, the part of Electra has enormous potential for performance. Ironically, this "Electra" is the least interesting of the three, despite the fact Freud made it infamous: by his standards the Euripides play speaks more to the desire of a daughter to see her mother dead, but since Sophocles wrote "Oedipus the King" it probably seemed fair to point to his version of this tale as well.
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The more we try to remain together, teh further apart we drift....
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Young relates the events of Hewes life through contemporary biographers who had on hand the last of the revolutionary warriors. Contemporaries, intent on justifying and embellishing the memory of the revolutionary fathers, left a clear track of what the people of 19th century America wanted to know and to believe about their forebearers. It matters little that it would have been extremely unlikely that Hewes was present at every event he recalled.
That is Young's point. Sometimes, the story tells us as much about the historian and the market for his writing as it does about the event being recorded. Historical interpretation is recollection of events and placing them in context. Even immediately after an event, the eyewitness accounts vary. Today's historian may fall prey to superimposing current attitudes and values on prior events as those these are determinants.
Young's Shoemaker is a valuable caution to interpreters of history.
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So Red the Rose was a best-seller in he 1930's and was made into a movie. Its popularity was eclipsed a few years after its publication by Gone With the Wind. Some critics consider So Red the Rose a better book.
The novel describes a Mississippi family and how they were affected by the war. I found the book deeply moving and engrossing; although I live in a different century, live in a different part of the country than the characters, and hold a different set of values in regard to race, I found myself understanding them, relating to them, and liking them.
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The annoying part has to do with constant references to incorrect detail, speciifcally, the British Peerage and other hereditary and non-hereditary titles. Cline is all over the place, and it's confusing and distracting to an otherwise interesting plot. Cline is obsessed with earls, barons and baronets, and that and other titles are strewn about with abandon, sometimes landing upon one character, sometimes upon another, always at random. There is Hugh's uncle, the Earl of Danvers, Hugh's father, the Baron of Danvers, the evil Marquess of Bilbury (or more precisely, his son, who is frequently referred to as the Marquess as well). Then there is Hugh himself, who is alternatively referred to as Hugh or Mr. Kenrick, a baronet, and a banneret.
Here's how it works:
1) earls outrank barons. Despite what Cline asserts, they always have, and there are fewer of them. Earls were the great magnates from the time of William I; they were the greater barons, if you will. Think of Willian (the) Marshal in Henry III's reign; think of the Percys (Earls of Northumberland); think of Talbot, Earl of Shrewsburg; think of Warwick the "King Maker." Read Shakespeare.
2) Cline makes a big deal about earls being created by Letters Patent, which he implies makes them less than barons. All peers came about in one of three ways: a) in the early feudal period by grants of land which were deemed to constitute an earldom or a barony, b) after the rise of Parliament, by Writs of Summons to Parliament in the particular style of baron or earl, c) Letters Patent - which didn't become much used until the late 14th century, and have pretty much been the only method used since Henry VIII's time.
3) While not impossible, it would be highly unlikely that the brothers Kenrick (Hugh's uncle and his father) could be respectively, an earl and a baron. If they were, Hugh's father would have to have been created such by the king, and he, himself, would have been a peer and a member of the House of Lords, just as his brother is. Otherwise, as the younger son of an earl, Hugh's father's title is 'The Honourable' and nothing more. Also, if the king did give him a title, it wouldn't be Baron of Danvers when there is already an Earl of Danvers. It would be 'Baron Kenrick of X in the County of Y', as only earls and above get to be Earl 'of Danvers' or Marquess (in the 18th century spelled Marquis) 'of Danvers' or Duke 'of Danvers.' He'd also be referreed to as Lord X, not Baron X, unless he were a Baron of the Exchecquer, which is not a peerage title, but an office.
4) Hugh is not anything more than Hugh Kenrick, Esquire, as the son of a baron. He is not "my lord," not a baron himself, not a baronet and not a banneret (which is a kind of superior knight, who for great martial prowess and because he was able to attract a large number of knights to fight with him, had the privilege to having the points of his pennon cut off to form a banner - thus the name. This was not an hereditary title, and , as I recall, not conferred at all after about the late 15th century).
5) The estate of a baron is called a barony, not a baronetcy, which is the estate of a baronet. Moreover, one is not a baronet of a particular place, which is reserved to peers. Baronets came into existence in ca. 1621, when James I needed money to colonize Nova Scotia. He sold them to the gentry, originally without the prefix 'Sir', but later with. When they got their 'Sir' their wives got to be 'Lady' and they sold like hotcakes.
The trouble with period pieces is that have to be accurate, or we nit-picking purists get cranky. If Cline had either not gotten carried away with all of this erroneous information, or done the research better in this one area, people like me wouldn't have become so worked up about it and we could have lost ourselves in an otherwise good story with an engaging writing style.
WPB