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In Part Two, Theological Affirmations, there are 9 chapters that expound on more specific Pentecostal concerns. Chapter 7 covers the issue of subsequence, chapter 8, the issue of tongues as evidence, and chapter 9, the availability of tongues for all believers. Chapter Ten, Signs and Wonders, addresses itself specifically to Third Wavers who generally consider Spirit Baptism as synonymous with conversion as do many non-Pentecostal Evangelicals. Third Wavers are also known for their emphasis on signs and wonders. The Menzies point out that Luke's perspective on divine enabling is much broader than the Third Wavers narrow focus on dramatic signs and includes the ability to bear bold witness for Christ in the face of persecution (pg. 153). The authors also note Luke's wise and balanced look at signs and wonders.
Chapters 11 (Healing in the Atonement) and 12 (The Providence of God) seem to go together. The former chapter defends the idea of healing in the atonement and does so by utilizing Gustaf Aulen's three approaches to understanding Christ's atonement (in his book "Christus Victor"): the classic view (aka, Christus Victor), the Latin (aka, forensic) view, and the liberal view. Each view is seen as contributing to a full, biblical understanding of Christ's atonement. In addition to this full-orbed view, three propositions are provided and expounded on in order to recognize that physical healing, like all the benefits of salvation, flow from the cross: 1) Jesus is Lord and Savior by virtue of his work on the cross (Rev. 5:9), 2) The salvation provided by Jesus as Lord and Savior is progressive in nature (2 Cor. 3:18), and 3) The salvation provided by Jesus as Lord and Savior is cosmic in nature and includes physical wholeness (Rom. 8:23; 1 Cor. 15:42 - 54). Although chapter 11 is insightful, it doesn't really address in detail the controversial question of whether or not God wants all believers instantly healed provided they meet certain so-called biblical conditions (including faith) although the authors do strongly imply both here and in the next chapter (12) that the timing of physical healing (and the culmination of healing in general via the eschaton) is in the providential hands of God. Chapter 12 is short but certainly gives food for thought regarding suffering and faith in general. Chapter 13 discusses essential principles related to spiritual gifts, including the following: 1) gifts are not a badge of spiritual maturity (1 Cor. 12:4), 2) gifts are given so that we may edify others (1 Cor. 12:7), and 3) everyone has something to contribute (1 Cor. 12:11). This chapter prepares one for what is revealed in the next chapter (14) regarding spiritual gifts and their relation to Spirit Baptism, Pentecostal style. Chapter 14 challenges the classical Pentecostal notion that Spirit Baptism is the gateway to the gifts of the Spirit and notes that Third Wavers force classical Pentecostals to reassess their position on this subject. The authors hold that although Spirit Baptism isn't the gateway to EVERY spiritual gift, it IS the gateway to a special cluster of gifts described by Paul as prophetic-type gifts that are associated with special revelation and inspired speech. The last chapter (14) expounds on the role of Spirit baptism and the fruit of the Spirit and basically denies what many Pentecostals affirm: that Spirit Baptism is linked to spiritual maturity. The Menzies note that the Corinthian church abolishes this assumption. However, they do carefully note the "co-relational" (a term provided by John Carter) aspect, an idea I'll leave for readers to discover for themselves.
This book is on the cutting-edge of Pentecostal hermeneutics and is required reading for all those who consider themselves Pentecostal as well as those who think they have a good case against the Pentecostal position. The book is well-reasoned and challenging. Highly recommended.
The major streams of current scholarship, both Pentecostal and Evangelical, on Pentecostal issues is woven together in this book, presenting pastors and Bible students with the most current examination of Pentecostal issues to date.
An outstanding read.
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The first two chapters, entitled "The Distinctive Political Logic of Weak States" and "Africa's Weakest States After the Cold War", outline useful background information on the unique political systems in place in sub-saharan Africa. Reno does an excellent job of balancing his political theory with hist! orical examples. The next four chapters, which subsequantly cover Liberia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and DRC (formerly Zaire), provide detailed analyses of the economic and political situations in these countries. Reno places the factions, the foreign business partners and the conflicting European vs. African interests in a solid context. On Liberia he writes, "The way we think about Liberia is strongly influenced by images of chaos and random violence.... In fact, war in Liberia has followed a clear logic. Warlord pursuit of commerce has been the critical variable in conflicts there. Stongmen have used commerce to consolidate their political power within a coalition of interest among themselves, businesspeople, and local fighters"(p.79).
Reno has combined information gleaned from his travels, dozens of interviews, and unique primary documents to provide a cohesive picture of the West African political system, a challenge of sorts to the conventional World Bank wisdom! that would have all "weak states" conform to its! idea of economic viability. He places in context the confusing behavior of rulers of weak states, with their tendency to avoid bureaucratic efficiency and free market enterprise, to the chagrin of first world observers. Reno writes, "Rulers who face threatening internal behavior intentionally cripple the arms of the state, which weakens the agencies that outsiders prescribe as the best means to mobilize resources to alleviate pressure form the international economy, such as debts, balance-of-payments imbalances, and instruments to enhance state revenues"(p.19). The behavior is necessary, he writes, in order to keep local strongmen in check. The conclusion that he draws from this may cause one to ponder; "The joining of political struggle and accumulation-- even as a violent Kalashnikov lifestyle of protection rackets, forced labor, and fencing of stolen goods-- is as much a candidate for a Weberian capitalist style of life as is a Protestant ethic or a Japane! se way of doing business"(p.30).
Rather than criticising from afar, Reno writes from the vantage of a frist hand observer. His ideas are provocative and well stated, valid for both the ignorant student (myself) and the seasoned researcher.
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The audience for the book is the Left. This requires some explanation, given that if you watch Fox News you are led to believe that the Democratic Party is the Far Left. Nonsense! Most Democratic leaders and voters are moderate or liberal. The Left, which Domhoff prefers to call "egalitarians," is barely represented by the Democrats. Those who supported Nader and/or the Greens, those who agree with Noam Chomsky, Michael Moore, Barbara Ehrenreich -- that's the Left. Much bigger than many people think, but not all "liberals" by any means. Democratic socialists, or social democrats, which Domhoff reframes as egalitarians -- a group to really scare the Dittoheads and O'Reillyoids.
What are egalitarians to do given the current dismal situation? The event that spurred Domhoff to write it was the 2000 election. He opens the book with a counterfactual scenario -- what if Nader had run in the Democratic primaries instead of as a Green? It seems quite likely that Gore might have won, and the Democratic party would also be more progressive. Now that we know that Bush was no moderate/conservative after all, but rather a right-wing fanatic, this clearly would have been decisively better, if far from perfect. But Domhoff's whole point is that the Left has to stop making the perfect the enemy of the good if it's going to start winning. The unfortunate reality is that until the electoral rules are changed, a third party has a good chance of being nothing more than a spoiler, as the Greens were in 2000. If the Left doesn't wise up to this, Bush and the Republicans will be the only ones to benefit.
The strategy is an inside/outside strategy, working from within the Democratic party to push it in a progressive direction just as the Christian conservatives have moved the Republicans to the right since Reagan was first elected. Domhoff calls for the formation of Egalitarian Democratic Clubs within the Democratic Party in order to build a permanent organizational infrastructure, rather than just supporting the centrists. Of course the movements (global justice, anti-sweatshop, living wage, anti-war, feminist, anti-racist, LGBT rights, etc) continue to organize and pressure the Dems from the outside as well.
This may sound like nothing new. It's not, but it is sure timely if the Left is to play a constructive role in 2004! The bulk of the book is devoted to what Domhoff sees as necessary changes in the Left's agenda, and much of this is aimed at the tiny remaining Marxist left, so it may not be as relevant to many readers. Domhoff's points include: 1) forget central state planning and focus on equitably regulated markets, 2)promote strategic non-violence -- note to Black Blocs!, 3) make room in the coalition for individuals who are wealthy capitalists -- some are quite progressive!, 4) realize the hierarchical tendency and promote decentralized organization -- note to followers of Big Leaders such as Nader!, 5) drop the blanket opposition to military intervention and support humanitarian intervention -- controversial with many!, 6) drop militant secularism -- many religious activists are very progressive, 7) stop blaming the media and develop an effective egalitarian movement.
Personally, I'm convinced that Domhoff has nailed it. If the Left rallies around the strategy outlined here, its ratio of success to failure will go up dramatically. Other recent books worth consulting for complementary views on Left unity are Todd Gitlin's "Twilight of Common Dreams" and Richard Rorty's "Achieving Our Country."
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writing it because this book is so hard to find. If this book was so important to John F. Kennedy, why is it not available so those interested in the late President can read it to? Should this book not be reissued for other generations to read? It is just a thought from someone who wants to know more about JFK.