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The full story of the revolt that temporarily drove Communism out of Hungary between 24 October and 4 November 1956 has never been told. This book is an exhaustive, full account of this event that was so quickly forgotten outside of Hungary, owing especially to the Suez Crisis that coincided with the revolt (and also because the United States was keen in covering up their tracks, as they wished to incite revolt in the Soviet Bloc, but did nothing about it once the opportunity to act presented itself). Irving recounts in painstaking detail the history of Hungary following 1945, when Communism, with the help of the Soviets, became the ruling force in Hungary, employing a secret police, the AVH (Allam Vedelmi Hatosag). He tells the story of Matthias Rákosi, a brutal Stalinist dictator that turned the country into a "pit of Marxist misery" until a more liberal Communist named Imre Nagy replaced him, who would eventually become Prime Minister during the uprising. For his liberal acts and views, such as the abolishment of collectivization of agriculture, Nagy was replaced in 1953 by a no better leader named Ernest Gero who, like Rákosi, was a hard-line Stalinist and Jewish. Those crucial years, Irving argues, were highly important, for they provided Hungarians a textbook-perfect premise, from which an uprising could grow and explode.
From there, Irving writes an hour-by-hour (and sometimes minute-by-minute), day-by-day account of the uprising that turned Hungary from being ruled by party functionaries, or "funkies," as Irving calls them (adapting this from the Hungarian word 'funkcionáriusók') to the mob of rebels that often took law into their own hands, turning their years of loss and anguish against the powerless funkies and hated AVH (lynching and shootings were an almost daily occurrence, as Irving illustrates). Of course, on the early morning of November 4, Soviet forces shattered the idea that the rebels had won against the USSR, a country of 200,000,000 by smashing the uprising and defeating key rebel strongholds, and forever scarred the ancient and beautiful city of Budapest (the reviewer once visited the city, shortly after Communism there collapsed). Irving then concludes his work by discussing what happened to many of the key players in the uprising; it was a uniform procedure, Irving surmises: they were all "tricked, kidnapped, deported, hanged" in the Communist fashion (see Chapter 45).
Irving analyzes the uprising through very strong research; he has an excellent eye for details and truths overlooked by previous researchers. The vast majority of his evidence comes from primary sources, many of them in the original Hungarian. His assessment of the Prime Minister during the uprising, Imre Nagy, indeed does raise eyebrows, as Irving predicts in his Introduction. Nagy was not exactly the innocent liberal that he has been portrayed; he remained a devoted Communist all through his life, spent most of his years in Moscow, and only practiced his liberal politics during the uprising because he feared the fate accorded to most die-hard funkies: the firing squad or being lynched. Consequently, toward the end of the uprising, he accorded the rebels more and more recognition and fulfilled their demands. It was also his death-knell, as he was eventually deported to Romania, then brought back to Hungary in 1958, where he faced trial and execution with others involved in his "conspiracy." Anti-Semitism itself played a decisive role in the uprising, as most of the high-ranking funkies and AVH officials were Jewish, such as both Rákosi and Gero (this is backed by CIA documents and the words of the Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev, as well as the accounts of several hundreds of survivors that escaped from Hungary while they could).
Irving also discusses the decisive roles of the Central Intelligence Agency (the CIA) as well as Radio Free Europe (RFE) in stirring agitation in the Soviet Bloc countries as early as 1953. The later conduct of these American organizations was in complete contradiction, as the UN and NATO did nothing to aid the Hungarian cause when the opportunity presented itself. The American players in this tragedy, notably President Dwight Eisenhower, CIA chief Allen W. Dulles and his brother John Foster Dulles, the secretary of state, are all discussed. Irving also takes care in describing the horrific deceitfulness and hypocrisy of the Party funkies, both Russian and Hungarian.
Though his book touches on several themes, Irving's central thesis is that the whole event was an uprising, an insurrection, not a revolution (yet the event is still commonly called the "Hungarian Revolution"), as it was spontaneous and leaderless. Ironically enough, it was the workers and peasants, allegedly the ones forming the framework of Marxist theory, who were at the forefront of the uprising, as well as many card-carrying Communist Party members. Irving has wonderfully demonstrated what can comprise a major upheaval within a repressive empire and just how the rage of a country of only 10,000,000 can explode. An amazing book that reads like a thriller; it places you on the streets of Budapest among the rebels, wielding aging rifles and tommy-guns, Molotov cocktails and grenades, blowing up Soviet tanks with bare hands.
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Irving is best-known for his short stories, which are excellent examples of folk literature (and not likely the sole product of Irving's imagination). "History of New York," however, is what established his reputation in his own lifetime. It was the first real American bestseller and the first American novel to garner critical respect overseas. Irving's ingenious marketing scheme for the novel (placing a series of letters in New York newspapers concerning the disappearance of the book's supposed author, Diedrich Knickerbocker) was the first instance of off-the-book page publicity in America and its success (it created a veritable frenzy upon the novel's publication) would not be duplicated for many, many years.
The novel itself is funny, acerbic, charming and illuminating. Working in the tradition of European satire, Knickerbocker's History is nonetheless distinctly American. Some knowledge of early American history will enhance your understanding of the novel (by helping you recognize which American public figures the Dutch governors are standing in for), but it is not necessary to an appreciation of the novel on its own terms. The book was published in several (revised) editions. I recommend seeking out the 1809 or 1812 edition, as Irving toned down his political arguments in later versions (though the comparison between early versions and the 1848 edition is also worth noting). This anthology contains the 1809 edition of the novel.
What does that mean? It means that Kristol faces up to the fact that capitalism has some anti-conservative implications, its profit orientation and individualism can undermine the stability of families and neighborhoods. He is not willing to accept that price, and thinks that capitalism ought to be reigned in. That is why he gives it only "two cheers" rather than the "three cheers" customary for unconditional approval.
This book is full of insights, even when it aggravates.