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I am definately not "into" Civial War history, but I found this to be a great book. I would make the same decision in buying it again.
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Almost all of the characters in Murder at Monticello are obsessed by some aspect of Jefferson's life or of the Lewis and Clark expedition into the newly purchased Louisiana Territory. A July 4th celebration of the bicentennial year of Jefferson's becoming the third president draws these characters to Monticello in Charlottesville, Virginia. While some characters are looking forward to the big fireworks show, others are planning to make their own fireworks.
The familiar Homer and Mary Kelly come down from Cambridge, Massachusetts at the invitation of a friend who offers them a free place to stay. A former student, Fern Fisher, is working on a new biography of Jefferson to help improve his reputation despite having been a slave holder and having possibly had sexual relations with one of his slaves, who was the half-sister of his deceased wife. Augustus Upchurch, a local benefactor of Jefferson studies, has helped raise the money to fund the book, but also becomes interested in Ms. Fisher despite the wide difference in their ages. Ms. Fisher sees apparitions of Jefferson in and around Monticello. Tom Dean, a local man who is about to enter medical school, is fascinated by Lewis and Clark, and through this meets Ms. Fisher and extends his interests to include her. The local police chief owns the Oxford English Dictionary and spends his free time looking up what the words in the Declaration of Independence meant in Jefferson's time. The serial killer imagines himself being related to one of the men in the Lewis and Clark expedition, based on having been raised on the Missouri River in Bismarck, North Dakota. Homer Kelly starts reading up on Lewis and Clark. Each chapter begins with a quote from the expedition's journals.
Like all Homer and Mary Kelly stories, there's not much mystery here. There are simply tangled skeins of lives and story lines that overlap. The individual stories are more of an excuse to delve into a particular period of history than serious fiction. Being quite familiar with Jefferson and the Lewis and Clark expedition, the only new knowledge that the book imparted were more details than I wanted to know about the sexual habits of the men on the expedition.
The overall theme of Murder at Monticello is that obsessions are bad for us, because they blind us to more positive opportunities to connect with others and more meaningful activities.
Unless you feel a compulsive need to read all of these stories by Ms. Langton, I suggest you skip this one. Of her recent efforts, I thought that Dead as a Dodo was far superior to Murder at Monticello. The ideas developed in that book about Darwin are far more interesting than the slim intellectual foundation of Murder at Monticello.
I do like Ms. Langton's new habit of taking the Kellys to new locations outside of Massachusetts. I hope Ms. Langton continues this trend in her upcoming novels.
Search for the opportunities to expand goodness, and then act on them!
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I'd instead recommend Mr. Jefferson by Albert Jay Nock and The Constitutional Thought of Thomas Jefferson by David Meyer. The biographies by Dumas Malone are worth noting, but there is no better way to understand Jefferson than read his political writings. Get the Library of America volume with Jefferson's writings.
One day, while doing research for a paper on the ideologies behind the Federalist-Antifederalist debates of the 1780s, I started reading the unabridged version of Jefferson's collected letters and papers. I was looking to get a better insight into how Jefferson viewed the Constitution, but for some reason, I started reading a letter to Madison in which Jefferson proposed his idea that no laws, constitutions, or public debt schemes should be valid more than 19 years after they were passed. Intrigued, I started reading more. The more of Jefferson I read, the more thunderstruck I was. I came to the conclusion that most of the historians I had read had completely misrepresented Jefferson. After I finished the paper I was working on, I took the next several months and read everything that survives of Jefferson's thought. And I came to the conclusion that while Jefferson and Madison were friends and political allies, Jefferson's views of democracy went far beyond anything that Madison (or any of the other leading American politicans of his time) ever dared to utter. In many respects, Jefferson was closer to the French revolutionaries who took power after the French Revolution of 1789 than he was to most of his fellow Founders.
That's why Richard Matthews' book is essential. Matthews explores at length several of the pillars behind Jefferson's thought, including his idea that the earth belongs to the living, from which he derives such ideas as automatic sunset of laws and constitutions and his idea that large estates should be broken up upon the death of the landholder and the land given to the poor. He also delves into Jefferson's concept of the "ward republic." Jefferson, unlike Madison, was confident that average citizens could manage their own civic affairs. To that end, he suggested that counties should be split up into small "wards", akin to the New England town meeting, and that these "ward republics" should directly govern all public matters within their boundaries. Jefferson believed that the man (and in Jefferson's time, it was only men) who learned to manage the affairs of such a "ward republic" would also be a better citizen of his State, and the federal union.
Now Jefferson was no head-in-the-clouds theorist. He was a successful practical politician, and, unlike many of the French Jacobins, knew that in the real world, one could only accomplish so much. So, unlike many other revolutionaries who have won political power, Jefferson was not interested in imposing his idea of the good society upon his countrymen at all costs. But he was quite serious about his ideas.
Matthews overstates his case in a few small areas. But, if one reads this book alongside one of the more conventional discussions of Jefferson's politics, one gets a more balanced view. And in most areas, Matthews seems to catch the nuances of Jefferson's thought better than have other scholars. The proof, of course, comes from reading Jefferson himself. If a library near you has the multi-volume edition of Jefferson's works, I recommend spending some time with him directly. It is no chore; Jefferson is a skillful prose stylist.
One other important area of note: Matthews does a fairly admirable job of assessing Jefferson's racism, and the moral dilemna of slavery. Like a lot of the men of his class and time, Jefferson owned slaves while asserting that slavery was evil. Unlike a lot of his contemporaries, he made no real effort to rectify the situation, and from all accounts, Jefferson was a hard slavedriver, and Jefferson's comments on the intellectual capacities of blacks are reprehensible. Jefferson was also something of a hypocrite when he addresses native Americans. On the one hand, Jefferson admired their societies; on the other hand, Jefferson was a supporter of policies that eventually resulted in the near genocide of native tribes. It is somewhat difficult to reconcile this Jefferson with the man who wrote the Declaration of Independence, and who came up with so many novel ideas..more than any other 18th Century democratic theorist on this side of the Atlantic. That said, the flaws in Jefferson's character do not change the fact that his radically democratic ideas still have merit.
Jefferson saw the American Revolution as a fulfillment not only of Locke,and Sidney, but also saw it as a new begining for liberated man. This new begining would constantly renew the faith of the American Revolution through periodic change in laws and constitutions. Jefferson wanted to preserve liberty by extending democratic republicanism to virtually all white males through his granting of 50 acres of land to every man in Virginia in the belief that property ownership would secure the liberty fought for in the Revolution. Jefferson's proposals to abolish primogeniture and entail are radical attepts to equalize property relations by as he put it " to put all on an equal footing". This was to increase propery ownership by allowing estates to be given to more than just the eldest son.
Next is Jefferson's "ward republics". This proposal Jefferson saw as his most important. The ward would be the basic unit on democratic government. Similar to New England Townships, these wards would allow for participation in the affairs of society right down to it closest level. Public schools, militia duty, opposition to tyranny from other branches of government could all be begun here. He also included the "care of the poor" and "care of the roads". This proposal I consider as one of his most profound of democratic ideals.
Matthews books is fantastic it illuminates these ideals in the freat Mr Jefferson. A great buy.
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I have been looking forward to the publication of this interesting book by Prof.Garrett W.Sheldon. This concise work by a jeffersonian scholar (87 pages and an appendix outlining the American and Turkish Constitutions) had been inspired, according to the author, by an "uncanny resemblance between the ideals of republicanism, freedom of religion,liberty of conscience, public education,economic development and national independence found in Ataturk and Jefferson". Although I read it with great interest, I was somewhat dismayed by the the rather limited place given to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (only three references..) versus a man certainly very well known, particularly in the US, Thomas Jefferson (eighteen references). While the latter was a leader in the struggle for independence and foundation of a new State following a revolutionary war against England, Ataturk managed to establish a new Republic after a most difficult fight against the same England, as well as France, Italy, Russia, Greece,etc. during the First World War and, in the same time, getting the country rid of a much weakened Ottoman Sultanate and the Caliphate. In addition,and within only fifteen years, he managed a long lasting revolution in education by switching from an arabic to a latin alphabet, civil and political rights to men and women as well as minorities, complete separation of state and religion,etc. One can easily state that Ataturk had achieved the military successes of George Washington, the political savvy of John Adams along the qualities of a Renaissance man such as Jefferson, all of it within less than twentyfive years.
Nevertheless, this is an important work that, hopefully, may stimulate further evaluation of Ataturk, who, it may be useful to mention,had been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize by the then greek prime minister Elefterios Venizelos, once his foe..
Not withstanding his deprecators acting on misinformation and personal hatred, he deserves to be placed among the greatest achievers of the 20th century..
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Brodie's evidence for a relationship between Jefferson and Hemings is weak. It is based largely on speculation and imaginative interpretations of historical documents. The book does not use the relationship between Hemings and Jefferson as a basis for a critical look at Jefferson. On the whole, the book portrays Jefferson in a sympathetic light. Brodie is critical of him for not doing more to advance the cause of emancipation, but even in this respect she writes of him empathetically. He had made a serious effort earlier in his life and apparently chose not to pursue it more strongly later on practical grounds; he did not believe there was support for it. He believed slavery was wrong, though, and also was convinced that it would die a natural death as time went on.
The book portrays Jefferson as a romantic, as not only an idealist but also a person of great passion. He of course thought of himself as a supremely rational person and kept his emotions under tight control. But it was a constant struggle for him, as evidenced in his migraines, his head and heart letter to Maria Cosway, his extreme depression after the death of his wife, etc.
Brodie argues that Jefferson's purchase of Louisiana is not always sufficiently credited for how remarkable an achievement it was. Nations prior to that had expanded almost always through conquest rather than through an outright purchase. And she argues, convincingly, that had someone like Hamilton or Burr been President, we would have gone to war with France over possession of the territory. Brodie believes that Jefferson's greatest accomplishments as President were the purchase of Louisiana and the Lewis and Clark Expedition--both of which, of course, had to do with the expansion of the country.
The book stills holds its own as a good general introduction to Jefferson's life.
Ms. Brodie weighed in on Jefferson being the father of Sally Hemming's children when it was not popular to taint him with human emotions. She would be proved right on at least one of Ms. Hemming's children, Eston, being fathered by the same Y chromosome that Jefferson's own father carried. Unfortunately Ms. Brodie did not live to see the scientific vindication of her research and insight. The Jefferson family has long claimed that Sally's children who favored Jefferson were fathered by nephew Samuel Carr, Jefferson's sister Martha's son. But Sam couldn't pass that Jefferson Y chromosome!
This book is a must read for everyone who is interested in understanding the Sage of Montecello. It makes the world of Jefferson come to life and allow the reader to walk in the times of his day, his friendships, enemies, depressions, joys, trials, and triumphs. Brodie takes the time to richly describe the other individuals in Jefferson's life, there by providing to the reader great scholarship that is immensely personal and interesting.
No single book can capture Jefferson's philosophy and accomplishments; but this book is a must read for a study of the personality of one of the most complex and interesting men in the history of our civilization.
It is the most fun book on Jefferson and his times that one can read.
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Dershowitz ridicules the concept of people being born with inherent rights to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness". he believes rights are "man made" and have no sacred meaning. He trashed the Declaration's author in the typical modern bolshevik manner by applying the standards of the 21st century to the 18th. He clearly sets out to demolish natural law and the entire tradition of Anglo American libertarian ideals of which Thomas Jefferson was a subscriber. It is amazing that a man like Dershowitz can be so brazen and hypocritical in his evaluation of Jefferson. Dershowitz, critical of Jefferson on slavery, supports "torturing" terrorist suspects, and is a rabid supporter of Isreali despotism in the Middle East.
This book show how degenerate the entire history profession has become and how any evaluation of our Founding should be viewed with a jaundiced eye. Overall a horrible piece of nonsense.
Dershowitz, a renowned Harvard law school professor and frequent commentator on individual rights, wastes most of his effort refuting, rejecting and attacking the Religious Right rather than understanding such people are the bell weather of American freedom. He doesn't seem to understand the impact of the Religious Right (or the Radical Left) is in inverse proportion to the level of freedom in this or any other country -- as the absolute rule of the Taliban religious extremists certainly proved in Afghanistan.
However, zealots exist in very society. Perhaps they counterbalance each other; if they become part of the Establishment, they crimp the freedom of everyone. Dershowitz uses the massive artillery of his intellect to attack the limited acumen of Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson and Alan Keyes -- as if Justice Louis Brandeis would have been profitably employed attacking Father Coughlin.
Dershowitz doesn't seem to understand that freedom and individual rights have constantly evolved in Anglo society for more than a thousand years. Democracy wasn't invented when Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, cribbing many ideas from the English Bill of Rights written in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Freedom and democracy is a constant and uneven struggle, not an accident or gift .
The Declaration of Independence was a quantum leap forward in defining some basic ideas of freedom, but it was not the end of the process. Before 1776, American colonists had legitimate complaints; the Thirteen Colonies were run by the English Colonial office, part of the executive branch of government. Colonists were ruled by King George III and his bureaucrats, instead of their own elected officials.
In response, the colonists said, in effect, "We're Englishmen. We have an absolute right to be represented in Parliament." If their rights were denied, according to the Bill of Rights of 1688, they had a right to overthrow the government. As Englishmen brought up with the Bill of Rights, the Declaration asserted their most basic rights.
Out of that came The United States of America, with a Constitution written to clearly avoid problems which led to the Declaration of Independence. Dershowitz recognizes the idea that freedom evolves in a society; his weakness is thinking there was an immaculate birth of freedom in America in 1776. He doesn't understand the Declaration of Independence was a bold and perfectly legitimate assertion of the basic rights of every free Englishman -- and from this a new form of "Democracy in America" (to use Alexis de Tocqueville's phrase) evolved.
There are two elements in society: a view that people are basically evil and must be restrained for their own good, as represented by the likes of Adam Smith, Edmund Burke, Alexander Hamilton and the current Bush administration. The countering view says people are basically good and must be free of as many social restraints as feasible, as represented by Rousseau, Voltaire and Thomas Paine and the usual Democratic politicians.
Either view, if carried to the extremes of a Father Coughlin or Alan Keyes, or the excesses of the French or Russian revolutions, destroys our freedoms.
Yet, history shows an uneven but very real expansion of human freedom. When freedom is limited, the response in 1775 was the shot heard round the world; today, the response is often footsteps that cross half the world to find freedom.
This screed by Dershowitz is a rant against the Religious Right. His recognized talents would have been much better used to examine and explain the English origins of the Declaration, rather than bashing baleful bigots who are mostly irrelevant in a free society.
All in all, perhaps a useful book to demolish straw devils; but, it could have been immeasurably better with a different approach.
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You will learn much about the process, the quality of the scholarship, and the special interests that lead to the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation's pronouncement that Jefferson was likely Eston Heming's father. They apparently found enough "evidence" to support the conclusion they hoped to reach a priori, that Jefferson fathered Hemings's children, while ignoring more persuasive exculpatory evidence.
As for Reed's motives,... view the Coolidge letter for yourself. You decide whether Reed's error was innocuous.
It is this reader's opinion that the "investigation" that gave rise to the original report will accompany fantasy Vietnam war veterans among the discredited pretenders whose works merit pity. This work provides a palliative to the shoddy "scholarship" that resulted in the original report.
Though the quality of the essays is uneven, to anyone interested in the truth of this matter I commend this book.
As the book shows vividly, the real story behind the creation and ongoing enhancement of the Jefferson - Hemings myth is absolutely fascinating. James T. Callender, who in 1802 created this hoax, was a paid character assassin who hated Jefferson and wanted to embarrass him by slandering him with miscegenation, the usual stock-in-trade charge Callender used against his enemies. More than seventy years later one of Sally Hemings' sons, Madison, was profiled in an Abolitionist newspaper. In that account, purportedly in Madison's own words, Madison claimed Jefferson was his father and that Sally's mother Betty Hemings was the concubine of John Wayles, Jefferson's father-in-law. This rambling profile has long been taken as fact by unwary (or uncaring) historians, despite the fact, as is amply shown through new historical and genealogical research, virtually all of what Madison said is extremely suspect as to accuracy and intent. Nonetheless, the words of Callender and Madison Hemings serve as a basis for modern books by Fawn Brodie and Annette Gordon-Reed, as well as several abominable movies.
The much ballyhooed DNA evidence was manipulated by the media. In fact, Thomas Jefferson was proved not to be the father of Tom Woodson, despite the Woodson family's allegedly long oral tradition to the contrary. Moreover, as is exceedingly well described, it is far more likely than Randolph Jefferson, Thomas' much younger and slightly retarded brother, was the father of Eston Hemings, the only Hemings descendant whose DNA was tested. Strangely, the Hemings family claimed not to know the burial site of a son of Madison Hemings (Eston's brother), despite the fact he was a Union Army veteran. When one of the authors of this book located the grave, the Hemings family refused permission for DNA testing. Were they afraid tests would reveal no Jefferson DNA, which in addition to damaging their claim would also show that Sally had multiple sexual partners?
Nonetheless, release of the DNA findings, such as they were, allowed Jefferson's enemies to attack his reputation with a vengeance. Foremost among them was the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, the tax exempt operator of Monticello. They went so far as to say that Jefferson may have fathered all of Sally's children, and a compelling chapter in this book is an insider's view of the politically correct shenanigans that took place within the TJF as this charge was bullied into existence.
Publication of THE JEFFERSON - HEMINGS MYTH will no doubt raise the ire of Jefferson's enemies. Indeed, one can expect them to come out of the woodwork soon to attack the authors and their conclusions as "Hemings-deniers" or some such thing. And that is exactly why it deserves to be read by everyone who - like Jefferson himself - values the truth.