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Despite my recent and more mature awareness of his weaknesses, he remains a surprising, brilliant writer. His prose style is dynamic and I continue to emulate that. I was amused to find, however, that I liked the lesser known stories. I found "Death In Venice" ponderous. I liked the stories about the incestuous twins, the tragic man who was dwarfed from a childhood fall, the cuckolded buffoon who is talked into wearing a tutu at a community recital and the eccentric who is compelled to continually mutiliate his dog and heal him. Now these are what I would call real "case histories." I'm sure Mann would scorn me for being partial to these, scornfulness being one of his main attitudes in life. His very disdain of pretension, however, seems like a pretension in itself. Still - his command of language is like no other's.
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Introduced in an 1802 letter to the Danbury, Connecticut Baptist Association, Jefferson's "wall" has been accepted by many Americans as a concise description of the U.S. Constitution's church-state arrangement and conceived as a virtual rule of constitutional law. This book delves into what Jefferson really had in mind about the separation of church and state, and gives the reader a scholarly understaning of this famous phrase.
The book is not very long, but the impact that you get from reading it feels like a book much larger. At 128 pages long we are provided an opportunity to disseminate Jefferson's views on the constitutional relationship between church and state and, in particular, to explain his reasons for refusing to issue presidential proclamtions of days for public fasting and thanksgiving.
The "wall of separation" metaphorically represents the constitutional provision, the admendment, however, differs in significant respects from Jefferson's felicitous phrase. The former prohibits the creation of laws "respecting an establishment of religion" (excepting, perhaps, laws to protect religious excerise), thereby limiting civil government; the latter, more broadly, separates "church" and "state," thereby restricting the actions of, and interactions between, both the church and the civil state.
Reading this book splits the fine hairs and you get an appreciation of what is happening and the suggnificance of why it is written as such. Dreisbach has provided appendices in which documents from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson gives the reader an insight as to Jefferson's thinkings and are invaluable. There are notes and a selected bibliography that is also very helpful.
Jefferson's architectural metaphor, in the course of time, has achieved virtual canonical status and becomes more familiar to the American people that the actual text of the First Amendment... moreover, jurists have found the metaphor irresistible, adopting it not only as an organizing theme of church/state jurisprudence but also as a virtual rule of constitutional law.
I found this book to be very interesting and the prose to be fluid and well-documented making for and interesting read.
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Mr Jefferson was by every means a slave-holder. Thus, this idea of linking his name to the Rights of Man is a contradiction.
If Dumas Malone must continue on this track, then he should mention the names of John Adams, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, and Abraham Lincoln, and we shall listen to him. Thomas Jefferson does not fit in this realm. He doesn't belong here! But, I am not really surprised. This book was published in 1951: at the peak of Color-Bar.
Jefferson is not worthy of our interest because of Sally Hemmings and because he kept slaves. Jefferson is great because of the Declaration of Independence and his fight for the rights of man. While it may have been hypocritical to preach liberty and keep slaves, it is doubtful that slavery ever would have been abolished if Jefferson had never gained the prominence that he did. This book and the others that follow show why we should continue to honor the public man even though his private side may have been wanting.
Jefferson's European mission starts off this volume, concluding with his service as the United States's first Secretary of State under George Washington. But, in between we see Jefferson laying the seeds of his philosophy and the implication regarded as timeless and universal.
George Washington's first term was a proving ground for Jefferson to get his views across to Washington, but Washington has Hamilton and there in lies the rub. As political parties were in their infancy, the time was ripe for a political view points to be exploited and Hamilton was up to task. So, naturally Jefferson had a different view point and was voicing his opinion to Washington.
Jefferson in this period of time was primarily concerned with foreign affairs which kept him busy as Great Britain was being pulled into a European war. But the "war" between Jefferson and Hamilton was just begining. Jefferson was well aware of the implicit dangers in the political and economic situation, but Enlightenment was budding and thus, begining to give proof of his undying faith, that men and society can be saved by means of knowledge.
This period in Jefferson's life is the richest with regards to private friendships and will lay the bricks to the foundation to the rest of his life. As Jefferson begins his battle with the Federalists, Hamilton is his primary opposition.
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The six-volume series has been described as « a major achievement in the half-way house between history and biography ». Laudatory though this comment may be, it summarizes for me the major flaw of Malone's enterprise : its failure as biographical writing. Nowhere is this clearer than in this fourth volume, where Jefferson himself seems to recede in the background while the author retells the most tedious details of the workings of his administration, however unrelated to Jefferson himself.
The « un-biographical » character of the work is reinforced by its format : instead of following Jefferson chronologically, Malone has chosen to offer us a series of chapters organized around such themes as the executive appointments, Marbury vs. Madison or the Louisiana Purchase, thus imposing conventional textbook divisions on the organic flow of Jefferson's life. As a result, the « biography » reads as a series of historical essays, and certain important topics are relegated to the next volume. Nothing is said for instance about Jefferson's personal relation with Meriwether Lewis or his involvement in the preparations of the Lewis and Clarke expedition.
Perhaps even more regrettable is the general impression of Jefferson given by Malone as a relatively unintellectual man who had apparently done most of his reading in his youth and never bothered to systematize his thinking, being more concerned with his presidential duties, his social life and the occasional joys of the countryside.
Apart from a few interesting chapters, therefore, such as « The Religion of a Reasonable Man », and the welcome refutation of the Sally Hemings myth, this curious hybrid of a volume should be eschewed by those who seek a genuine understanding of Jefferson the man. To them, David Mayer's « The Constitutional Thought of Thomas Jefferson », and a good selection of Jefferson's own writings, should prove much more profitable reading.
Jefferson's immediate goal was to show a peaceful transfer of authority and then never lose sight of this goal then maintain unity within his party. Jefferson was more moderate politically than his party partisians, but he did require unity and loyalty.
Jefferson was a man of paradox, he was recognied as the head of his party, but he longed of his home in the Virginia foothills. Jefferson put his faith in the individual as he sought to increase personal freedoms, but he was plagued early on by the Hamiltonians wanting a stronger central government. Later on John Marshall appointed as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court by John Adams in his waining Presidency would be at odds with Jefferson. This conflict was mainly a political viewpoint, but the arguments would be heated as the successive phases took shape.
Jefferson had forethought and wanted the river rights of the Mississippi. This later worked toward the Louisiana purchase and the expansion of the United States west of the Mississippi. Jefferson was determined that New Orleans should be part of the United States. So, by shrewd dipolmacy, the deal was struck. But to acquire West Florida was not to come till his second term and so with the exploration of the Louisiana territory with Lewis and Clark.
Jefferson symbolized freedom and democracy, but friends clearly showed respect. Jefferson's composure while President showed and he ran a balanced government. This is a very good and scholarly work, but the deals and facts are there... only thing the author needed to do was bring out Jefferson the man more to the forefront.
Jefferson is not worthy of our interest because of Sally Hemmings and because he kept slaves. Jefferson is great because of the Declaration of Independence and his fight for the rights of man. While it may have been hypocritical to preach liberty and keep slaves, it is doubtful that slavery ever would have been abolished if Jefferson had never gained the prominence that he did. This book and the others that follow show why we should continue to honor the public man even though his private side may have been wanting.
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The film was successful; she would have been better off forgiving the director's derelictions and hiring a decent manuscript editor.
I read the book and saw the movie, and I thought the first part of it, particulary the part relating to the alleged time spent in France, was excellent. I think she did a good job in completing what must have seemed an impossible task which could not have been easy from start to finish.
My only complaint, however, is that in relasing the movie within the desired time frame, there seemed to have been more of an allowance for the misrepresentation or elaboration of many of the facts.
While I do believe that Jefferson fathered these children, I think, the part of the movie depicting the alleged events upon the return to America was entertaining, but should have been researched more for accuracy with regard to the actual depiction of time, dates, and events.
Tina Andrews, in her book gives many reasons for her elaboration in dealing with various matters. But in depicting the life of such an important man as Thomas Jefferson, and especially in how he will be consequently viewed by young and impressionable minds from having watched the movie, I think respectfully, more time should have been devoted for a more accurate depiction.
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In the case of older speeches, the selection is very good, considering the restraints of time, and the readers are uniformly excellent.
As for the modern speeches, it is a marvel of technology that we can hear these speeches as delivered. It is incredible that we can hear the voice of William Jennings Bryan. I can listen to Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" a thousand times and never tire of it! How I wish I could listen to the voice of Patrick Henry! But this selection is too heavily weighted to the modern, and many of those do not deserve billing as the GREATEST speeches of ALL TIME. Also, some of the modern speeches which are included are abridged, e.g. Reagan is cut off in the middle of a sentence, while lengthy and undeserving speeches are played out in their entirety.
Also, with only a few exceptions, the selection is almost entirely American. It is hard to understand why Jimmy Carter's lengthy speech on energy policy is included, while Pericles' funeral oration is not; or why only a small portion of a single Winston Churchill speech is included; why while Bill Clinton's complete 1993 pulpit address, in excess of 20 minutes, is included.
It would be helpful if the complete list of speeches were available to online buyers, as it would be to shoppers in a brick and mortar store.
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The other problem I had with the book is that the author led the reader to believe that, in the War of 1812, Jackson's defeat of the British was the deciding factor in America keeping New Orleans and thus the entire Louisiana Territory. Not true. Amerca and Britain had concluded a peace treaty before the battle of New Orleans was waged and won.
The strength of Mr. Cermani's book rests on the wonderful characterizations of Jefferson, Bonaparte, Talleyrand, Marbois, Livingston, Madison and Monroe. The author expertly weaves the personalities of these men, their strengths, and weaknesses, into the fabric that is the story of The Louisiana Purchase. It is a complete story as told by Mr. Cermani. The actual facts of the purchase are not neglected, but highly enhanced by the various character studies, and exploration of how personalities, and circumstances determined the ultimate outcome.
Of particular interest were the descriptions of how Jefferson and Madison used disinformation to influence a decision by the French, and the very strange relationship the Jefferson administration had with their man in Paris, Robert Livingston.
Mr. Cermani also employed a style of writing that produced a very readable book. The flow of the text was wonderful, and was almost novel like as at times I could not put the book down.
I would encourage anyone with an interest in American history, or just good writing, to read this well researched, and written offering on one of the great events in American history. You won't be disappointed.
For those who have an understanding of why Jefferson and others forsaw the importance of U.S. expansion on this continent, the author brings the major players from the U.S., Spain and France to life for you through their negotiations, their letters, private thoughts, and individual personalities. This is history told at its best with uncomplicated clarity and at the same time gives enough pros and cons from all the countries involved to allow the reader to understand why negotiations were so difficult; and how we could have lost the whole deal had other personalities been in charge.
I now have a new sense of such simple facts as why the West became "the wild west", why the northeastern states are so small and the western states so much larger, why being one country that stretched from "sea to shining sea" gave us time to grow and mature in relative peace to European countries, and land with all the natural resources needed for independence.
Jefferson's Great Gamble whetted my appetite for more on the subject, so I bought A Wilderness So Immense, by Jon Kukla. I'm very glad I read the former first because it gave me a background to help understand Kukla's book, which I might have put down before finishing the first chapter because it's slow getting started. There are a lot of characters in Kukla's book mentioned only once (check the index) and in my opinion don't add any importance to the story of the La. Purchase; rather it makes the reading drag. But since I've a long way to go, I'll reserve final judgement on Kukla's book for now. Charles Cerami's book deserves five stars.
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Thomas Jefferson proposed that a layer of American government composed of elementary, pure or ward republics should provide the foundation upon which individual State republics and the federated republic would be based. His proposal was heavily influenced both by classic republican theories of civic virtue and citizen participation and by the belief that local public affairs were best managed locally. His views, explicated most thoroughly following his retirement from public office, were not considered during the Constitutional debates and were thus neither explicitly accepted nor rejected during America's founding era.
Federalist proponents of the new Constitution, principally Jefferson's ally James Madison, argued for a Constitutional structure based upon a federal republic whose allocation of power among branches of government would check and balance each other, a republic strong enough to unite the various States and sufficiently consolidated as a national government to resist local factions and interests. Whereas Madison saw citizens as fractious, potentially oppressive, and neither enlightened for self-government. Madison saw democracy as a door through which chaos might enter; Jefferson saw it as the only means by which to prevent ownership of government by "interests" and the resulting citizen alienation from government.
With this in mind, Hart brings these views to mind as he discusses current economic globalization and the evolving of Nation-States, Republicanism, and Original objections to small republics in the light of the twenty-first-century realities.
I found the book to be well-written and the prose foundational at first, then later making cogent sense as he tries to bring Jefferson's ideas into the twenty-first-century. This book does as follows: brings consideration of the revolutionary economic, social, and political changes in the twenty-first century; an examination of whether America in the twenty-first century is an authentic republic; consideration of the objections to small-scale republicanism during the founding-era debate and discussions of the impact of these new realities on early objections to small-scale republicanism; a concluding discussion of the relevance of radical democratic republican ideals to America in the current age.
This is a thoughtful and provocative book and makes a persuasive argument for Jeffersonian principles.