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'Great power' militaries rarely have to worry about stability in their capitals and government power centers, but China's largest post-Mao military action was the suppression of students on Tiananmen Square. Great powers have well-defined borders, unlike China, which is still consumed with the Taiwan question, the Tibet question, and instability in its Muslim northwest. Great powers further can concern themselves with 'power projection' and alliances with friends or proxy states, but China has no allies and participates in international military actions far less than regional players such as India and Australia. Karmel defines 'military professionalism' for the purpose of the study, and suggests that the PLA's organizational structure, clarity of mission, and levels of corruption all help to ensure that an army originally designed to 'liberate' Chinese is still focused on debilitating and parochial interventions in Chinese politics. Finally, China's strategies are rapidly moving away from outdated Maoist 'People's War' conceptions but are still not as innovative as one might expect from a rising power. Primarily, China's military leadership is said to benchmark 'more advanced' Western doctrines and to measure itself as forever falling short due to pre-existing handicaps and limited, misdirected funds.
Karmel's conclusion is particularly interesting in light of the allied war in neighboring Afghanistan in 2001-2002. Afghanistan was threatening as a result of the Taliban's inability to achieve any measure of rational-legal legitimacy in a capitalist world, and the weaknesses of the regime created a fertile ground for Al Qaida's terrorism. So the threat to the immense power of the US was weakness rather than strength or any Afghani claims to 'great power'. Similarly, Karmel cautions, while China is not a great power, 'China's weaknesses, for decades, may be far more threatening than its strengths.' So, for example, Chinese worker unrest might be more likely to spark the next 'Asia crisis' than a Mainland effort to retake Taiwan. Karmel even welcomes further advances in Chinese governance that might further Chinese power, suggesting that these advances are likely only in a context of further domestic political and economic liberalization. It is also interesting that while China fears US intervention in the affairs of developing countries, it welcomed the US intervention in Afghanistan and was, as usual during the reform period, a passive player in a nearby conflict.
Karmel's supporting chapters on Chinese military strategy, force structure, military-industrial complex, and defense spending are loaded with hundreds of footnotes from Chinese government sources, including 'internal circulation only' documents. The information on defense spending is likely to be most quickly dated, and on force structure most lasting. Generally, the book is recommended to students of international and Asian security, civil-military relations in developing countries, and Chinese politics.
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One cannot analyze an Air Force's current state and future without understanding its past. "China's Air Force Enters The 21st Century" gives valuable insights about PLAAF's history, structure, and past trends. The fact that detail study on PLAAF in English is relatively rare, makes this book even more valuable.
The book is divided into nine chapters.
Ch 1- Introduction
Ch 2- Discussion of PLAAF's Strategy from a historical perspective.
Ch 3- This chapter is about PLAAF's various operations from beginning till the 1958 Taiwan Strait Crisis.
Ch 4- History from 1960 to Vietnam War.
Ch 5- The period 1970s to 1981.
Ch 6- Everything after the 80s.
Ch 7- PLAAF's training.
Ch 8- Structure and programs.
Ch 9- Conclusions.
Of course, a lot of things had happened since the publication of this book in 1995. On military equipment alone, we saw the confirmation of the Su-27SK's local production, the acquisition of Su-30MKK, introduction of the JH-7A, more information leaks on J-10, depolyment of S-300... so on. Hence, further in-depth assessments must be made about PLAAF. However, this isn't the book's fault, as military analysis books and articles often become outdated as soon as they come out. "China's Air Force Enters The 21st Century" still serves as a good starting point, I recommand it to anyone who is interested in PLAAF.
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The plots thickens and twists as you go along with an ending that has the reading shouting "she did it" Hooray!
Susan
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century. His masterwork is considered the trilogy roughly called
"the History of Bestiality"--roughly, because the title actually
belongs to a twelve-volume project of his autobiographical
narrator, which is unfinished. The trilogy therefore does not
present such a history itself, but rather the experiences of
that profoundly disturbed character, along with his morbid
reflections, painful memories and alarming dreams, plus
recitations of horrible happenings drawn from his grisly
research. Not one of the novels is without structural flaws, but
each communicates a rage against cruelty and brutality with a
force that is rare in fictional literature.
MOMENT OF FREEDOM (1966) is the first of the three novels and is
virtually formless. It seems that the author cannot master his
material--the whole history of man's inhumanity to man--with a
calm analysis or fit it into a standard artistic structure, but
rather recoils in pain, retreats into dismal reflections,
indulges in sarcastic tirades, describes petty officials and
deranged villagers as monsters, relives the atrocities of the
Nazis and Communists, remembers himself wading through blood and
most of all intoxicates himself, all without any apparent order.
The effect is disorienting, but at the same time invigorating,
since it brings an electric awareness of being caught up in
something horrifyingly real. Here is someone violently
disturbed, speaking straight from the heart, grabbing you like
a bloodied, but eloquent victim of an attack. You can't expect
his urgent report to be neat and tidy.
You must simply follow the narrator-guide, the lowly "Servant of
Justice" of the mythical Swiss town of Heiligenberg, a man so
burdened by a mind-numbing past that he can't remember his own
name, as he records the filthy injustices of the court,
denounces the sanctimonious townsmen with his drinking buddies
at an inn called "Zum Henker" ("Go to Hell"), or wanders through
bleak memories and unidentifiable towns. Don't try to keep track
of the time, or where you are going, or whether the landscape is
real or hallucinatory. After the journey you can go back and
retrace your steps, read critical studies, then some things will
fall into place, but not all.
One pointer I will give is that the "moment of freedom" is not
an episode or a single event, but more like a category--an
opportunity for truth and contact with reality that is most
often missed. Bjorneboe relates it to the bullfighting "moment
of truth" before the sword goes through the bull's shoulder
blades. His thought is that freedom is not a relief or a
liberation from duty (there is a frightening scene of murderers
breaking out of prison), but rather an insight that brings
commitment and love for another. To deny it is to deny the
responsibility of being human, to commit a sin against the Holy
Ghost and therefore to negate "the meaning of the earth and of
the starry heavens: individuation--coming into being."
Bjorneboe believes that in the moment of truth one can take the
liberty of speaking: "An author can only fulfil his human and
social duty when he is completely and unreservedly honest. Only
when he tells the truth which only he can tell, even if it
deviates totally from the officially accepted one, only then is
he contributing anything of value at all."
This novel contributes something of value. If you are seeking
escape from celebrity books and potboilers, and wish to renew
contact with the spiritual source of real literature, start
here. The translation is perfect--so rich and flowing, you'd
think the novel were written in English. Bjorneboe told the
truth that only he could tell, and therefore is one of the
greats.
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"The History of Bestiality" and departs markedly from the
preceding two. The first, MOMENT OF FREEDOM (1966), focuses on
"Germania" as the outstanding source of mankind's brutality: the
two world wars, the concentration camps, the racism. Bolshevism
figures in it as just another face of fascism. The second novel,
POWDERHOUSE (1969), delves into more remote history as it offers
examples of the hero's research into the Inquisition, exposing
the pious instinct as an instrument of control and the crowd
mentality as a blood lust. In THE SILENCE (1973) the autobio-
graphical hero finds himself in northern Africa, conversing with
a character named Ali, who has much in common with Frantz Fanon.
From this remote station his eyes peer at Europe, the
colonializer and source of misery for the Third World. Germania
no longer stands out. As Ali instructs him, the perspective
inside Europe is wrong, for it holds up Hitler as a moral
monster, a boogeyman, an exception to the rule; whereas, seen
through the eyes of the colonialized, he is the rule--the
colonial powers were equally ruthless, killed more than the
Nazis and lasted longer than the Third Reich. Accordingly, the
author of The History of Bestiality now catalogs the crimes of
the first conquering Europeans, the Conquistadores: Cortez over
the Aztecs in Mexico and Pisarro over the Incas in Peru.
Incredible scenes of carnage roll across the pages with the same
remorseless attention to detail and biting sarcasm as before,
but with even greater urgency and rage than in the preceding
novels. However, the account has become one-sided: the
sacrifices of children by the pre-Columbian Indians and their
pleasure in wearing human pelts replete with face and scalp
until they rotted and fell away are minimized and excused by the
rapacious gold-lust of the detestable foreigners.
Thus Bjorneboe arrives at a position anticipating the leftist
platforms in America and Europe that dominated the last three
decades of the twentieth century: Political Correctness and
selective Multiculturalism. All history is reinterpreted to the
detriment of the First World and to the credit of the Third. All
filth and evil come from the former; all goodness and hope come
from the latter; and the speaker, who happens to belong to the
former, is absolved of his sins by promoting the latter. It is
a sham doctrine the same as Leninism, from which it derives--the
vanguard speaking for the proletariat. Yet unlike the high
priests of PC, Bjorneboe is not interested in changing
university curricula, dominating the scholarly press or
dictating hiring practices, meanwhile winning a cushy spot for
himself while stabbing non-conformist scholars in the back, but
rather he retains the old fire of the sixties and finally, at
long last, puts his faith in revolution. The subject peoples of
the world, he asserts, the insulted and the injured, the
wretched and the ragged, the downtrodden and the disadvantaged,
will one day rise up to claim their freedom, their rightful
portion of the Earth's bounty and their sunny place in history.
The present moment is but the still--Stillheten, The Silence--
before the storm.
Given this ideology, the didactic tone and the absence of form
(the novel is mostly a series of conversations) THE SILENCE
should not work. And yet it is brilliant and highly readable,
thanks in part to Murer's excellent translation and in part to
the author's sheer inventiveness. The hero meets a penitent
Christopher Columbus in the street, converses with Robespierre
and debates with God, who looks like a shabby street vendor,
only "without a cart." These scenes are absolutely brilliant,
and the trilogy itself, despite its flaws, voices a passion that
is exceptional in world literature and a spiritual peak for
mankind.
Bjorneboe did not find a solution to the problem of evil. How
could he? But after reading him, one cannot fail to be a lot
more distrustful of authority, a lot more skeptical of do-
gooders and a lot more critical of everything. Which is good.
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However, if you are looking for a mystery that is going to keep you in suspense--forget about it!! I had the ending pegged a third of the way through. You're only reading to confirm what you already know. Fern Michaels can do much better.
The good news is that Lily finds strength and support from her former neighbors. She also rekindles a friendship with John Kipling, who has also returned home to Lake Henry and is now the editor of the local newspaper. Together, they forge a bond and find out that there is strength in numbers. Was this another Thorn Birds? Definitely not....just a good, well-written, enjoyable book.
Lily Blake has had a longterm friendship with Father Francis Rosetti. When he is elevated to Cardinal, an unscrupulous newspaper reporter, in his attempt to dig up some dirt, accuses Lily and Father Rosetti of having an affair. This results in a media frenzy, Lily losing her jobs (music teacher and a singer/piano player at a private club) and having to flee her Boston home.
Unable to afford an attorney to help clear her name, she seeks refuge in her hometown of Lake Henry, New Hampshire. Although she hides out at first, Lake Henry takes care of their own. Befriending her is John Kipling, the editor of the local newspaper, THE LAKE NEWS.
John has always wanted to write a book and with the news of Lily's alleged affair he feels he has the perfect subject. When he discovers her pleas of innocence, he decides the theme of her story can be the misuse of power by the press and paparazzi (which at one point in the story are called "princess murderers). But as he gets to know Lily and begins to fall in love with her, it's clear that his goals have to be something a bit different. He attempts to exonerate Lily by discovering what made the reporter want to exact revenge on Lily and/or Father Fran in the first place.
This is a compelling read, absolutely unputdownable. I was up until nearly 3 AM in the morning finishing it. Delinsky is a wonderful writer and storyteller! Both John and Lily have issues with their parents to deal with in an attempt to get to know themselves better. There's a wonderful little secondary romance between Lily's younger sister and a writer who is also attempting to write a book on the brouhaha. I also loved the way Lily dealt with her 10-year-old niece, Hannah, an awkward child who just needs some extra TLC.
And how, do you ask, do you follow-up such a wonderful read? By reading another Barbara Delinsky book, of course! I'm off to grab THE VINEYARD off my TBR pile!
Maudeen Wachsmith, Charter Member Reviewers International Organization (RIO)
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LIKE A HOLE IN A HEAD is a hip and very funny mystery-adventure with a witty, sarcastic protagonist. (Just my type!) There are laughs on every page, even during the nasty bits. My only small complaint is with Banbury's writing style. She's constantly breaking up what should be longer sentences into fragments. I'm not a grammar fascist but it makes the narrative choppy and is really distracting. Nothing a better editor couldn't fix. Other than that, I really enjoyed this book.
Three New Looks at China © by Larry M. Wortzel
In China and the People's Liberation Army, Solomon M. Karmel expands the thesis of an earlier writer from the United Kingdom, Gerald Segal, arguing that China is a weak power, not a superpower or great power. Karmel starts out by quoting a Chinese text, The Chinese People's Liberation Army (Deng Liqun, et al., Beijing, 1994), which argues that to be a superpower, a nation must possess four qualities: a large, diversified national economy; a major conventional military force; a nuclear weapons capability (and the means to deliver the weapons); and a strategic geographical location. He then systematically argues throughout the book that "in China's case, the dilemmas of development are simply too great for the state to exert the type of great power influence over East Asia that the Soviet Union exerted over Eastern Europe and its many satellite states throughout the world." He believes that "China's security and freedom from occupation threats in the postwar period have done little to enhance its power over other states." It is Karmel's thesis that those who argue that China is a great power are misinformed, and those who believe China is a military threat are crying wolf. Having defined his terms carefully in the initial chapter of the book, Karmel goes on to justify his thesis in subsequent chapters relying on extensive primary-source research in Chinese-language publications and Western secondary sources.
In six well-argued chapters, Karmel systematically dismantles China's military force structure, which he views as weak and poorly integrated; its military-industrial complex, which he characterizes as anemic and plagued by inefficiencies and corruption; the defense budget, which he believes is wasting a lot of money on the wrong priorities; and the role of China in Asia, which he defines as increasing in power but still inadequate to qualify China for great-power status. This is a readable book. Its weakness is that it is supported by research that is full of glaring inaccuracies which seem to reflect a lack of familiarity with the military in general and with the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) in particular.
The author is simply wrong when he explains the force structure of the PLA, saying that the seven regional military commands, analogous to the unified commands of the United States, are subordinate to the army. They are not. The military regional commands of the PLA are subordinate to the General Staff Department and the Central Military Commission. They are joint, and although the ground forces dominate them, they are jointly commanded and structured. The author is also wrong in his characterization of the development of the General Armaments Department from the Commission of Science, Technology, and Industry for National Defense (COSTIND). Karmel argues that COSTIND turned into a structure of state-owned military-civilian defense industries under a State Science and Technology Commission. In fact, when the General Armaments Department was created, it took over much of the military production, research, and development. However, some production did stay under the old COSTIND, but was more centrally controlled by the state. Harlan Jencks, whom Karmel quotes extensively, has called the new organization SCOSTIND, for "State COSTIND."
In other areas, Karmel's careful culling of sources to prove his thesis has missed such PLA authors as Li Qingshan and Li Jijun, who have published extensively on joint warfare, military production, and strategy. Karmel also fails to credit the PLA for its earlier successes in doctrinal and force structure modernization based on the PLA's study of US Army Field Manual 100-5, on warfighting doctrine, and a thorough review of the US lessons learned from the 1991 Gulf War.
To respond to some of Karmel's arguments suggesting China is a weak power, one needs only to remember that at the mere suggestion that "relations with China would be difficult," the Clinton Administration refused to approve badly needed air and cruise missile defenses for Taiwan. When China suggested that "it would not be good for relations," the Republic of Korea opted not to participate in research on theater missile defenses in Asia with the United States. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional forum (ARF) was formed primarily to respond to China. Vietnam is seeking a new form of security relationship as a balance against China. With regard to Karmel's claim that China's military industry is poor in general, although it does have its problems it managed to supply Pakistan with a nuclear and ballistic missile capability, it managed to build a force of approximately 400 ballistic missiles for use against Taiwan in a relatively short period, and it has managed to produce a strategic nuclear force capable of hitting the United States. The threat of force from China has deterred elected leaders of Taiwan from scheduling a referendum on national sovereignty and self-determination. And in the United Nations, China has a veto in the Security Council as a permanent member. This reviewer has not accomplished the extensive literature search of Solomon Karmel to define "great power status" versus "superpower status," but all of this evidence suggests that China's power seems great.
If one is going to read Karmel's work, it should at least be read in conjunction with other texts by authors far more familiar with militaries in general and the PLA in particular.