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In 1965, with anti-Vietnam demonstrations at their worst, philosophy professor Joseph Tussman began The Experimental College Program at the University of California, Berkeley. His goal, education for the sake of the individual and of society, sounds like a dream for the jaded higher education of today. In Habits of Mind: the Experimental College Program at Berkeley, Katherine Bernhardi Trow evaluates the program and its long- term effects. While evaluation of education generally focuses narrowly on the short-sighted and fashionable, this book's great merit is its description of the long term effects. Tussman College lasted four years, from 1965-1969. Some 300 students were chosen at random to participate. Trow interviewed forty students who completed the program, and she paints a vivid picture of how they were affected, what they learned and what positive influence it had in their lives. Tussman maintained that it was the university's fundamental duty to reawaken interest and get students involved for the sake of principles which are fundamental for individuals and for society: to develop an exercise of power built on rational, democratic and constitutional principles; to increase sensitivity to humanitarian values and fundamental human problems; to cultivate and strengthen ways of life and ways of conduct which make it possible for humanity to continue a war with institutions and with a spirit of rational discussion to find solutions to problems. Democracy demands of its citizens a political interest and active participation. To do this, according to Tussman, one must educate oneself in a fashion which before the breakthrough of democracy was reserved for members of the ruling class. Students probed deeply into fundamental problems. They examined the interplay between freedom and power. They were taught to be responsible citizens in a democratic society and custodians of western civilization. The program consisted of two parts: a syllabus and a pedagogical method. The syllabus focused on big problems and cultural crisis periods in history which had driven great thinkers to tackle fundamental questions. The reading list consisted of classics, such as the Iliad and works by Plato, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Mill, and Marx, along with more current books, such as The Autobiography of Malcolm X. These were books by authors now viewed as "dead, white males." But students remember the reading as fantastic. Pedagogically, the program diverged radically from then-prevalent teaching methods. Teachers were recruited from various areas of study. All the reading material was read by both students and teacher, regardless of which subject the teacher normally taught. Lectures were held twice a week with all the students and teachers present, and smaller seminars were held. The students wrote essays every other week, and every day they jotted down thoughts and reflections prompted by books, lectures, seminars and discussions. These notes became an intellectual autobiography. The activities reinforced each other and formed a tight intellectual tapestry which stimulated and strengthened learning and education. It was, in short, a program which moved against the stream of mass education. The program seems even more radical if one considers that it, with its high standards, was established when the general trend was toward a relaxation of the demands on students and when Berkeley, like many American universities, was in a permanent state of uproar. What were the long-term effects? In the evaluation, the dense essay- writing comes out as highly valued and as a central force in the program-- at once challenging and entertaining. Essay assignments taught the students to think more analytically and abstractly. The students' linguistic ability was radically improved, in speech and in writing and as much in style as in grammar. The intense contact with the teacher, and the criticism the teacher provided in tutorials, played a constructive and crucial role. The lack of grades was positive. Instead of focusing on grades, one concentrated on the ideas and the knowledge for itself; competitive thinking was conspicuous in its absence. The important thing was to understand what one read and to be able to apply it in other contexts than the immediate one. It was not regarded as meritorious to memorize details in order to regurgitate them later. Tussman encouraged individual thought. The environment--a separate house and small groups --contributed to the feeling of a learned society and stimulated the students. The program helped students to grow intellectually and morally. Their ability to analyze, to adapt themselves quickly to new things, new environments and new problems and to view these from different perspectives grew. They acquired a better understanding of the world around them and a better ability to interpret and understand events in it. Empathy increased and led to intellectual satisfaction and a more content life, which is reflected in the professions in which the program's former students are now active: physician, journalist, attorney, civil engineer, etc. Why did the program cease if it was so good? The answer is brief: university bureacratic staffing problems and a certain amount of lack of interest in basic education at research-oriented Berkeley made the dedicated Tussman tire. The market has become an ideology instead of a means--even, with some exceptions, in academia. Students do not study to grow as a human being, but to satisfy the market. Within the not too distant future, perhaps we will hear a university or college president who, in a travesty of Kennedy's inauguration speech, will welcome novices with the admonishment: "Ask not what the market can do for you, but what you can do for the market." Doris Lessing calls the product of this competence-fixation the well-educated barbarians; those who have gone to school for twenty years, have brilliant records, but never read a book, know no history, and care only about knowledge in their field. That group does not include the graduates of Tussman College.
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The subject of this volume is Alexander Hamilton. Although John Adams has frequently been regarded as the least understood of the Founders, Hamilton has his own plausible claim to this honor. History has not treated Hamilton kindly. He has certain obvious flaws in terms of arrogance,temper, and judgment.These flaws are amply revealed in this collection of writings. Hamilton, nevertheless, has much to teach us about government and about our country. This collection of his writings is a treasure.
At the outset, I was reluctant to begin a project of reading this volume through in its entirety. As my reading progressed, I couldn't put the volume down.
The book covers all phases of Hamilton's political and personal life, from its beginnings in what is now the U.S. Virgin Islands to his death at age 49 in the notorious duel with Aaron Burr. The heart of the book begins with Hamilton's role in the Constitutional Convention, in which he advocated for a strong Federal government and, in particular for a strong Executive. The book continues with Hamilton's 51 contributions to "The Federalist" in which he explained the Constitution to the people of the State of New York in terms which remain a seminal exposition of the basic governing document of the United States. Again the focus is on the need for a strong central government with a will and ability to act for the public good.
Hamilton was the first Secretary of the Treasury. This book gives us long selections from his work in which he advocated forcefully for having the Federal government pay the Revolutionary War Debt, for founding the Bank of the United States, and in promoting industry in the fledgling United States. These works divided Hamilton from Jefferson and Madison and became the basis of partisan politics in the United States.
In defending the constitutionality of the National Bank from attacks from Jefferson and Madison, Hamilton set the foundation for an expansive view of the power of the Federal government under the constitution. This view was controversial in its time and remains so. Hamilton's position, however, has largely come to prevail over the years and is an important basis for our governmental structure as it has developed over time.
The book includes Hamilton's public confession of an adulterous affair, his criticism of John Adams which divided and doomed the Federalist party, and Hamilton's own political career, and documents regarding Hamilton's fatal duel with Aaron Burr.
There is much to be learned from this book. Hamilton was a paradoxical figure both behind and ahead of his time. This is a valuable work for understanding our country. Kudos to the Library of America for allowing us to learn.
-- R. B. Bernstein, Adjunct Professor of Law, New York Law School
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Most of the book takes a look at what the Scriptures command about showing hospitality. The closing pages give a few ideas for practicing hositality and list several additional resources to assist you in practicing hospitality.
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Alexander's chapter on terrorist's strengths and weakness' is very illuminating since it was written after the September 11th attacks. "Terrorism has one great strength: it makes sneak attacks on unsuspecting people, and thus is difficult to prevent. But it also has one profound weakness: it operates as a clandestine cell in an alien environment, and thus can be isolated." He gives a good account of how to fight terrorism and why terrorists ultimately loose.
This book is a great read for laymen and professional alike. In light of today's dangers that we as a nation face I highly recommend reading this book.
Bevin Alexander agrees that September 11 is a watershed event that "dramatically changed the face of war." But he also notes that the terrorists used the ancient tactic of the ambush, a hit-and-run strike against a defenseless or unprepared opponent. Though the "war against terrorism" will doubtless offer up cruel novelties in the years to come, Bevin argues that history still has much to teach us about the strategies that win wars.
"How Wars Are Won" devotes a single chapter to each of 13 rules of war. Bevin explains how these rules work in practice by describing examples drawn from throughout history. For instance, the rule of "defend, then attack" is illustrated by battles that occurred during wars as diverse as the Byzantine invasion of Italy, the Hundred Years War and the American Civil War.
Bevin writes fairly well, and he does an excellent job of explaining why history's greatest generals won their battles, and why lesser leaders managed to lose. I came away with a much better appreciation of the genius of Napoleon, Alexander the Great and Stonewall Jackson.
"How Wars are Won" also offers many interesting observations about how future wars are likely to be waged--including the one that will probably be fought in Iraq. Bevin's book is required reading for another dark time in world history.
each campaign step by step, comparing not only the moves made by each player, but also pointing out possible alternative moves not taken, and their consequences. Sometimes you feel like you're watching the World Chess Championship ringside. You can experience the visceral thrill of battle right in the safety of your living room, and appreciate the brilliance of the great generals, as they unleash unexpected or unstoppable attacks on their opponents, as they move towards checkmate in the great game.
And if this leaves you hungry for more, check out the author's earlier masterpiece, "How Great Generals Win" - after all buying both books gets you a hefty discount on Amazon! Here the author studies the methods of each general in considerably more detail than in his latest book. Or if you're an aficionado of WWII, go grab "How Hitler Could Have Won World War II", which is a great piece of kriegspiel.
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In addition to all of this, there is a delightful plot twist (related to the title) that is both touching and hysterically funny. (And good plot twists are sometimes hard to find in travel memoirs.) This is one of the most entertaining books I have ever read!
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Thank you Ms. Alexander.
Molly Leach Boise, ID
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