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This book is a valuable new resource for all those interested in global environmental issues, particularly climate change. It is essential reading for policy makers and environmental activists, and it will be an important text for courses in global environmental politics, environmental policy studies, American foreign policy, and international relations.
CONTENTS: Climate Change and Foreign Policy: An Introduction-Paul G. Harris Critiquing U.S. Climate Change Policy Climate Change: Is the United States Sharing the Burden?-Paul G. Harris Upholding the "Island of High Modernity": The Changing Climate of American Foreign Policy-Peter Doran Politics of U.S. Climate Change Policy Governing Climate Change Policy: From Scientific Obscurity to Foreign Policy Prominence-Jacob Park From the Inside Out: Domestic Influences on Global Environmental Policy-Neil Harrison Congress and the Politics of Climate Change-Gary Bryner Regulation Theory and Climate Change Policy-Andreas Missbach International Policy Instrument Prominence in the Climate Change Debate-Karen Fisher-Vanden Regime Effectiveness, Joint Implementation and Climate Change Policy-Jorge Antunes International Norms and U.S. Climate Change Policy The United States and the Evolution of International Climate Change Norms-Michele M. Betsill International Norms of Responsibility and U.S. Climate Change Policy-Paul G. Harris Exhaustive endnotes and comprehensive index.

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Harris doesn't spare us as he shows us the pictures of both human and physical destruction of a land of beauty. When we view those pictures we see faces of grief, despair and rage. At the same time we see hope, courage, laughter and the spirit of tenaciousness as a people attempt to rebuild their lives in the midst of a senseless war. When we see these pictures we see the ugliness of our humanity. Bosnia reflects the beast which is within us as the "world" allowed slaughter to go on as is asserted in the text. If anything Cry Bosnia can teach us to move beyond our negative spirits and recover the good from within us. Such a reflection from a war should move us to be more accountable to one another as our world gets smaller and smaller.

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An editor told me that she believes that one of the main reasons for the improvement in the editorial quality of local and regional gay papers is the guide as it is increasing the number of people offering their work to editors and publishers..

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Now, in my own not entirely humble opinion, Green's criticisms of other liberal theorists are well-founded and he himself has gotten the philosophical foundations just about exactly right. Basically, his claim is that (my paraphrase) the source of our rights against one another, as well as the source of the state itself, is our possession of an ideal common end in which the well-being of each of us is coherently included.
He develops this account very painstakingly, and one of the joys of reading it is watching him make sense of Rousseau's tortured notion of the "general will." By the time Green is through rescuing this doctrine from Rousseau, it becomes something altogether respectable: that (my paraphrase again) there is an overarching ideal end at which our actions aim, and it is that end which we _would_ have if all of our present aims were thoroughly modified and informed by reflective reason.
I say "_would_ have" with some reservations, since for Green (as for Bosanquet and Blanshard, who followed him here) there is a clear sense in which we _really_ have this ideal end. But this point takes us afield into Green's metaphysics, which are better covered in his _Prolegomena to Ethics_.
As I said, this volume marks the watershed between classical and modern liberalism. Green is often associated with the "modern" side of the divide, but today's reader will be surprised to see just how "classical liberal" Green was (in, e.g., his opposition to paternalistic government and in a good many other respects). Why, heck, there are passages that could have been lifted from David Conway's _Classical Liberalism: The Unvanquished Ideal_.
It does seem, though, that in allowing a positive role for the governmental institutions of a geographically-demarcated State, he has started down the slippery slope to the modern welfare-warfare state. Like Hegel before him and like Bosanquet after him, Green usually means by "state," not the bureaucratic machinery of a territorial government, but the whole of society including _all_ of its "institutions of governance." But -- also like Hegel and Bosanquet -- he does not always keep these two things firmly distinguished, and at times he is clearly thinking specifically of the governmental institutions of a territorial nation-state rather than what some of us would call the "market."
He is also a bit unclear on the ground of "rights." W.D. Ross rightly takes him to task for this in _The Right and the Good_: Green writes on one page that we have _no_ rights until these are recognized by society, and then turns around and writes as though "society" is recognizing rights we _already_ have. To my mind Ross clearly has the better of the argument here, though the problem is not, I think, terribly hard to fix.
On the whole, then, it is probably no wonder that Green and his crowd set into motion -- whether inadvertently or otherwise -- a stream of "liberalism" that would eventually find a far, far larger role for the State than any that Green himself would have approved. But to my mind, these difficulties are removable excrescences, not the heart of his theory. (And it is also worth bearing in mind that Green provides moral grounds for _resisting_ the State: he acknowledges that no actual State is really ideal and, insofar as it falls short of the ideal, should be brought firmly into the service of our common end.)
The theory itself seems to me to be sound. In fact, despite the aforementioned disagreements and several others, I would nominate this volume as perhaps _the_ single greatest work on liberal political theory.
Again, at some point every "liberal" of any stripe will have to come to terms with Green's ideas (perhaps in highly mutated form). And if, with minor tweezing, Green's basic outlook is sound, it also -- suitably adjusted -- forms the proper basis for the classical-liberal commonwealth.
It therefore behooves classical liberals and libertarians to get the word directly from Green himself. Those other "liberals" aren't _entirely_ wrong.