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The "Personal Style Survey" really explained how what activities I do naturally are some of my greatest assets. The Directory of Self Employment Careers (1600 + Independent Creative Careers) provided great ideas for making money just by being myself! And that's just a small portion of the book. This is a must have for any one considering the wild, wacky and wonderful world of self employment.
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Using this book, I found an unadvertised entry-level job without a resume in a field I didn't know existed. A year later I found a managerial position in the same field. The friends who graduated with me work meaningless jobs in cubicles, and they still don't know what they want to do when they "grow up". I have a career, making real decisions, and the confidence that I can find a new one whenever I want.
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If I want to know how to build a house, I don't need to know how great it is having my own house.. instead, I need to know that first i need to find the perfect land and other important steps. The book can save much paper in cutting off all the repetition of unnecessary sentences.
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After Liberalism describes the pedigree of traditional liberal political philosophy, which included support of a free market and restraints on undisciplined appetites, primarily by informal enforcement of social and cultural norms. The government was afforded the limited rĂ´les of civil order and martial pursuits. Readers of Adam Smith, John Locke, Alexander Hamilton, Ludwig von Mises and F. A. Hayek are aware of this expropriation of the term "liberal" to mean a therapeutic, intrusive, egalitarian and moral-relativist welfare state envisioned by J. S. Mill and John Dewey among others, although on occasion a natural harmony between democracy and market economy was alleged. Gottfried plumbs the minds of both advocates and critics of custodial pluralism.
The author notes how cunning the proponents of modern liberalism have been by not talking about things as they are and substituting the rhetoric of compassion for a plain statement of facts. "The uninterrupted exercise of its power may depend upon not talking plainly about such unclean matters. Yet, it is worth the effort to look beyond euphemism to see how political power is exercised. Behind the mission to sensitize and teach 'human rights' lies the largely unacknowledged right to shape and reshape people's lives. Any serious appraisal of the managerial regime must consider first and foremost the extent of its control--and the relative powerlessness of its critics." This assessment is right on target.
This book is written primarily for other scholars and graduate students, and the reading can get dense and heavy on proper names and references to ideological doctrines. Yet, the political bias in academia being what it is, I am a university press agreed to publish this book. I found this book perceptive, erudite, and enjoyable. Pick it up today.
Gottfried presents the reader a tale of two liberalisms-the classical and the managerial. He argues that there is a historical discontinuity between classical liberalism, with its emphasis on minimal government interference in the private lives of citizens, as imagined in the nineteenth century, versus the managerial liberalism of the twentieth. Gottfried states that the difference is that managerial liberals believe "letting people go their own way will not suffice to make them open-minded or civic spirited" (p. 17). Liberal democracy" has come to mean not a form of government, but a process akin to evangelism where the government impresses it on its own people and then on the world (p. 68). Liberals are attempting to self-fulfill their own prophecy. Gottfried points out liberalism must expand itself, otherwise it will not be able to claim that its principles are universally applicable. The United States has been hijacked as well as liberalism by the managerial elite. It now is a tool for their agenda-it is billed as a "universal nation," hence the open borders policy that has been pursued in recent years (p. 76). Besides this internal policy of "universalization," the managers have also embarked upon an external policy as well, with the United States again serving as the preferred instrument.
A major aspect of Gottfried's analysis is the role psychological intimidation and exclusion plays in the managerial state. Managerial liberalism needs an Other to marginalize, in order to realize its claims of "making the world safe for democracy." That Other is "fascism" (p. 18). Those who are critical of the current regime are labeled as extremists or fascists and are summarily condemned (p. 139). In an attempt to make citizens free, the managerial state has created a type of prison. Gottfried identifies the source of this carceral logic as the medicalization of politics (p. 80). The state has a therapeutic function, ensuring mental health by fighting pathologies like insensitivity, fascism, and so on. There is great irony in managerial liberalism as an ideology that uses totalitarian methods for antitotalitarian ends. Citizens have become patients. Dissenters have become dehumanized (p. 91). Gottfried points out that people are afraid to oppose the official values of the regime (p. 95). Unlike past totalitarian regimes, this one acts by "concealing its operation in the language of caring" (p. 141). It hides its power. Its real agenda is to "shape and reshape people's lives" (p. 141). The state engages in behavioral modification (p. 107). It is important to note that the term "totalitarian" is being used here differently than would usually be expected. "Totalitarian" describes the universal, totalizing ambitions of managerial liberalism, in terms of its desire to reach into every aspect of the lives of the citizenry, including private thoughts and lifestyle preferences. It does not necessarily mean physical, violent, secret-police style repression.
After Liberalism serves the function of unmasking and revealing the dynamics of power at work in contemporary Western society. Gottfried is wise to avoid prophecy or prescriptiveness, stating "no attempt has been made to chart any supposedly inevitable future for the managerial state" (p. 135). He makes it clear that his sympathies lie with populist resistance to the managerial state, and his text is replete with defenses of and appeals to human particularity and local rather than global conceptions of rights and community. His mode of argumentation exposes the inherent inconsistency, and thus irrationality, in the supposedly rational managerial ethic. The managerial state presumes to protect plurality and diversity by criminalizing "insensitivity" toward racial, sexual, and other "disadvantaged" groups, yet its methods yield conformity and stamp out true human particularity and diversity. By denying the managerial state its rational foundation, Gottfried exposes the fact that the regime maintains its legitimacy only because of its provision of benefits and services, much like ancient Roman "bread and circuses" (p. x), to an increasingly fearful and skeptical population.
Ultimately, Gottfried's text deserves praise for contributing yet another nail into the coffin of liberal democratic rationalism. It arrives in print in the midst of exciting times, where the political climate, like other arenas of human thought and action, are quite simply a mess. Events have transcended terms such as "left" and "right," as can be seen in the recent endorsement of Patrick Buchanan (who is well in line with Gottfried's sympathies) by the African-American ultraleftist Lenora Fulani. After Liberalism therefore performs an important stocktaking function for those interested in an account of contemporary Western politics, especially in light of its unusual and promising ideological and epistemological debts.
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The relationship between religion--particularly the "Protestant Deformation" Gottfried cites--deserves more attention than it receives. Historians have noted the role of the 19th century "Social Gospel" and Finneyite Christianity, while theologians have described many 20th century political movements as basically religious in their motivation. Gottfried describes multiculturalism as an American export, but he also discusses how the decline of traditional Christianity in Europe and European-derived societies provided fertile ground. On this point too, the book makes an important contribution that neither side of the debate can afford to neglect.
Gottfried describes this book as a follow up to After Liberalism, a more philosophical and historical work that addressed the question of how liberalism shifted from the "juste milieu" of 19th century Europeans like Francois Guizot and William Gladstone to the late 20th century welfare state. That volume was a modern classic of conservative thought, and the current book is a worthy successor.
To achieve it, the therapeutic State doesn't hesitate to have resource to the same methods of social engineering formerly used by marxists, in order to change and constrain its citizens to accept without resistence the new reality, showing towards the opponents of this one an intense intolerance and a high level of dogmaticism, interfering and even restraining their freedoms, very especially, freedom of speech, forcing such citizens to be "good" from a multicultural point of view, to be sensitive and uncritic with issues like third world immigration, the devaluation of european historical past or the exaltation of non-european cultural achievements, everything under pain of severe fines or prision terms.
Obviously, in this task the therapeutic State has its allies: left political parties and also, quite surprisingly, center-right parties (they pretend to look politically sophisticated), academia, liberal protestant christianism (although I think, contrarily to Paul Gottfried, that multicultural sectarianism is much more owed to the survival and persistence of marxism spirit and political practice among western lofty minded intellectuality, that was not affected by the ideological bankrupcy of the eastern european real socialism, than to liberal protestant christianism - this last one being no more than a subproduct of that first one) and media - a "de facto" thought police.
The book is very interesting and quite accurately describes the not so soft totalitarianism that now is embracing North America and the entire Europe.
Given the current environment, it is well worth the time to revisit an executive/manager's most basic of tasks: making a decision...a subject devoid of attention except in academic journals or business books. In a straightforward, well-presented fashion, the authors break down the decisionmaking process into four steps:
1. Framing or deciding what you are going to decide-and not decide;
2. Gathering intelligence-real intelligence, and not just information that will support your internal biases;
3. Coming to conclusions-determining how your company acts on the intelligence it gathers, and;
4. Learning from experience.
The authors guide the reader through each of the steps providing insight into the process, highlighting key concepts, and providing case studies and worksheets so the reader can begin to track their own issues at hand. Russo and Shoemaker have presented this material in such a way as to demystify the "process" of decisionmaking. The "process" gets so much attention as being clandestine, complex and erudite. However, by providing a detailed framework reflecting a relatively mechanical and logical process to making a decision, the authors have uncorked the mystery. When confronted with the need to assess a situation, gather information and reach a decision, most managers depend on a hit-or-miss approach. This approach is different from executive-to-executive and is measured relative to the frequency and experience an executive may have "putting out the proverbial fire." While there's nothing inherently wrong or incorrect about this type of venerable process, this process typically results in a lower-end spectrum result when nothing but mid-high to high results will suffice as a necessary competitive edge.
The alternative approach presented by the authors allows executives/managers to reframe issues by asking such questions as "What is the crux of the issue that I am facing?" so that they don't end up solving the wrong problem (i.e. analogous to "looking from the outside in"). It also allows them to increase their options by doing such things as "not necessarily taking yes for an answer," when it comes to initial research findings. In fact, these alternatives may result in something quite creative and innovative, a veritable whack on the side of the head.
As they should, the authors stress to the reader that improving one's decisionmaking skills is not an ironclad guarantee to success. Execution of a solid operating (business) plan and being in the right place at the right time (luck) are factors tantanmount to any successful venture. However, it is rational and logical that if one makes better decisions, one's odds of success are bound to increase. And, as one gains experience in making decisions and acting upon the achieved results, desired or not, success rates grow exponentially.
A solid read.