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This is a delightfull read. I think it could make a marvelous movie.
-- DCM "Froggy"
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List price: $14.95 (that's 30% off!)
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Re-issuing Roughead's work is really a feather in NYRB's cap, and yet I can't help wishing they had taken more pains with this edition. (Because of this, I felt I could not really offer it the five stars it otherwise would've deserved.) The introduction by Luc Sante is interesting, but not without errors: he notes that all of the crimes excepting those of Burke and Hare "are discoveries [on the part of Roughead]"; yet Roughead himself admits that Deacon Brodie's case has been dramatized many times, and inspired Stevenson's "Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde." Madeleine Smith's trial inspired a film, "Madeleine," directed by David Lean in the 1950s. Similarly, no editor seems to have taken the time to annotate some of Roughead's more bizarre (or anachronistic, or peculiarly Scottish) terms: "douce" is used repeatedly for "sweet", and "lands" (apparently a term for the highrise towers in Edinburgh) recurs often too, yet there's nary a word of explanation. This lack of editorial interference is not welcome, especially since Roughead often refers repeatedly to other writings of his which his original audience would have recognized but which remain obscure to a contemporary reader.
Still, this book is a real treasure--and, as with all NYRB books, it comes on beautiful paper and with a gorgeous cover.
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Superficially the book recounts the 1966 trip to New York made by Burroughs Jnr. and his needle buddy, Chad ("His whole attitude was full of fear and I could see that right off, and I always respect scared people who know what they're up against.") Chad comes off as one or two shy of the full compliment ("We turned a corner and he kept on going straight and didn't answer when I called to him.") though as a sidekick I think he would have been without peer. Appropriately he provides the book's comic highlight, a bout of grand paranoia during which he makes the protestation familiar to anyone acquainted with that state of being: "Every direction I started to go, he'd say, 'Oh, no! You're not getting me to go THAT way!'"
Accompanied only by their wits and an accommodating moral code ("I never rob anyone unless they die or go to jail which leaves me plenty of room, after all. I remember one time I boosted a guy that was only in a coma, and when he came to, the atmosphere was pretty strained for a while.") they accept hospitality where they can, occasionally with squares ("They wondered in stage whispers what was on my mind. I said, 'Carnivorous albino badgers, the size of a boxcar,' and they shut up.") but mostly with fellow chemical crusaders, amiable folk who wished the trivial and mundane would let them be so that they could get down to the real business of transcending reality ("I got on the phone to another session across town and tried to get them to come over. But they were all in the midst of God and didn't feel like driving.")
Considering what must have been a fairly skewed appreciation of reality, his sensibilities nevertheless appear attuned to some degree. At a gas station he lingers to savour the phonetics of "Gargoyle Arctic Oil", and later falls to the spell of a prodigal jazz musician ("But one morning I woke up just as it was getting possible to see and he was talking through his horn real quiet and conversational, and I think I never heard a more healing sound. I wish I knew his name so you could watch out for him."). Still, he's not above it all so much as to be immune from a spot of arbitrary rumination ("I sat still for a long time thinking about cathedrals.") or the inevitable rush of hyper-self-awareness ("'On the way over, I got to thinking about my ape man heritage for some unknown reason and I felt pretty hairy by the time we arrived.")
Substance abuse and the law being mostly antagonistic fields of interest, it's not long before the fuzz show up ("I was standing there on the curb dreaming revolution when a cop came over and said to break it up, fella. There was only one of me, but I broke it up anyway and went down the street in a well-rounded way.") Inevitably Burroughs Jnr. is soon in the wrong apartment at the wrong time. A stint or two at the county hotel follow. Against the narrative of the street these passages betray a mind grateful for respite and reflection ("Up and down the tier, the Puerto Ricans were banging out Latin rhythms on bedposts and bars and singing popular love songs...I felt sleep catching up to me as Gestalt shifted and spaces between the bars floated free...It was complex now, maybe thirty captives in separate cells listened hard and patterned together as my cellmate's tears and prayers fell unconsciously into time. Every bit of light went out, shapes ran melting through the dark as the rhythm slowed and stopped, and the last I heard was the click of the hack's heels as he passed on the catwalk and the kid finished, 'forgive me...'")
Mainlining a drug that narcoleptics use to stay awake doesn't bode well for the pursuit of slumber, and soon enough Burroughs Jnr. decides that for the sake of health, sanity, etc., a return to Florida is in order. At book's end, standing out front of the grandparent's house, he signs off in typically humble fashion ("Then I took a deep breath, smelling the jasmine, and I went inside.")
The prose is breezy, uncomplicated, a loose freeform arrangement that occupies the space a foot or two off the ground. Commas are applied sparingly, the effect being a pitter-patter rhythm that never slows for heavy discourse or pedantic application of fact. There's no danger of cutting yourself on any severe literary edgings here.
Highly recommended, but as the reader is often asked to meet the author half way, as it were, I'd hesitate to push this title upon anyone but those on amiable terms with the subject matter (though a passing interest may suffice).
William Burroughs Jnr. died in 1981, aged 35, of acute gastrointestinal hemorrhage associated with micronodular cirrhosis.
****stars
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and furthermore, thanks to incumbent Robert Wagner's scandal ridden term, that Lindsay would likely
win, Buckley began to write pieces asserting that it was important that someone who actually
represented Republican views enter the race, simply to guarantee that there would be an honest debate
on the issues. When leaders of the recently formed Conservative Party approached Buckley and asked
him to take on the race, he agreed, on the understanding that he would not campaign full time and
would continue to fulfill his obligations to the several jobs he held. He made his reasons for running
clear in his announcement speech:
The two-party system presupposes an adversary relationship between the two parties. That there is
no such relationship in New York Mr. Lindsay makes especially clear when he proposes as running
mates members of the Liberal and Democratic Parties. Mr. Lindsay's Republican Party is a sort of
personal accessory, unbound to the national party's candidates, unconcerned with the views of the
Republican leadership in Congress, indifferent to the historic role of the Republican Party as
standing in opposition to those trends of our time that are championed by the collectivist elements
of the Democratic Party. Mr. Lindsay, described by The New York Times as being "as liberal as a
man can be," qualifies for the support of the Liberal Party and the Republican Party only if one
supposes that there are no substantial differences between the Republican Party and the Liberal
Party. That there should be is my contention.
It was clearly understood by all concerned that he would basically play the role of a gadfly in the
race. Indeed, any doubts that he reckoned how little chance he had of being elected were cleared up at
his first press conference, when to the consternation of staff and Party officials he gave the following
answers to questions:
Q: Do you think you have any chance of winning?
WFB: No
Q: How many votes do you expect to get, conservatively speaking?
WFB: Conservatively speaking, one.
In the campaign that followed, Buckley, freed from the restraints that bind a politician who thinks he
may win, proceeded to run one of the most ideological, honest and entertaining campaigns that anyone
had ever seen. He quickly became a media phenomenon, although they were almost uniformly hostile
to him and his views, they loved covering him. And when the cities newspapers went on strike the
race came to center around television and Buckley was able to totally outclass his opponents, Lindsay
and Abe Beam.
Besides his natural facility with the fairly new medium, Buckley's political platform turned out to be
more popular than anyone expected. Indeed, his proposals were twenty or thirty years ahead of their
time, including Education reform, Welfare reform, beefed up law enforcement, tax cuts, balanced
budgets, an end to school bussing, abolition of rent control, and so on. as a result, when the first polls
came out, not only was Beame beating Lindsay, Buckley was polling over 20% and doing particularly
well with Blue Collar Democrats. Suddenly everyone, including he, had to take his candidacy
seriously.
From that point on Lindsay and Beame and their cohorts trotted out all the trusty anti-conservative
canards--tarring him as a racist, an anti-Semite, anti-Protestant and, somehow, even an anti-Catholic.
Buckley ended up spending so much time defending himself that he lost the momentum he had gained
by being a purveyor of brash new ideas. He acknowledges that his political inexperience was a major
handicap as he allowed himself to drift off message and into a defensive posture.
When the votes were finally counted, Lindsay won, but with just 45%, Beame tallied 41% and
Buckley polled an impressive 13%. In the process, he had carved up Lindsay to the point where no
one seriously considered him to have a future in Republican politics and indeed Lindsay eventually left
the party for his natural home with the Democrats. But more importantly, Buckley demonstrated that
there was a significant segment of the democratic Party that was just waiting to be wooed by a
conservative Republican message. These folks--largely middle or working class, White, ethnic and
Catholic--would later form the backbone of Nixon's "Silent Majority" and would come to be called
Reagan Democrats, but it was the 1965 New York mayoral race that really showed that conservatism
had an inherent appeal to this population. For this, as for so much else, the Republican Party is
indebted to William F. Buckley.
This book, his account of these events, is one of the funniest political stories ever written. He looks
back not in anger but in bewilderment at the neophyte mistakes he made, at the shoddy media coverage
he received, at the character assassination he was subjected to and at the entire chaotic process of
running for office, especially in New York City. It's a real shame that the book is out of print (though
easy to find used, see the link above); it is almost frightening how much of the story remains topical
and pertinent today. In particular, and somewhat ironically, I couldn't help thinking how badly the
Democratic Party today needs someone like Bill Buckley--someone with wit, grace, style, and actual
core convictions who will remind them that they are supposed to represent something more than
conservatism with an Oprahesque tone. As Buckley said in his announcement, the American system
presupposes two adversary parties. Men like Goldwater and Buckley made sure that the republican
Party offered "a choice, not an echo"; where is the Democrat who will do the same for his party, who
will undertake a similarly quixotic quest, though it prove his own unmaking? We're waiting.
GRADE: A+
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Republicans in New York had been dormant ever since Al Smith's glory days of the 1920's, and they were unsure of how to operate. In 1933, however, the party's nominee won a commanding victory in the general election, definitely something curious for a city where, amongst registered voters, Democrats outnumber Republicans nearly 3-to-1. Buckley explains that a certain political faction backed the 1933 GOP nominee, Fiorello LaGuardia, and these were not your usual Republicans. Rather, a centrist coalition of good-government seekers (or "goo-goos") choose to stand by LaGuardia rather than his Democratic opponent, a top lieutenant of the notorious incumbent Jimmy Walker.
After Walker's resignation in 1932, the normally victorious Democratic Party had a tarnished image and a corrupt machine, and subsequently the GOP was almost guaranteed the Mayor's Office if it choose the right man. By the end of LaGuardia's reign, the Democrats were ready to take over once more. Thus, Buckley asserts, the only way for the Republican Party to win a city-wide office in the Big Apple was by nominating a non-traditional Republican at a time when the Democratic Party was under intense scrutiny.
Such was the case again in 1965, when this story takes place. Mayor Robert Wagner had chosen not to run for re-election, and voters were extremely flabbergasted at the ethical shortcomings of his tenure at City Hall. Thus, voters were carefully watching the Democratic Primary to see if the victor was a crony of Wagner or a political independent.
Republicans had already nominated U.S. Representative John V. Lindsay as their mayoral candidate, much to the chagrin of conservative Republicans. In1964, Lindsay publicly denounced Republican Presidential nominee Barry Goldwater, a staunch conservative. Additionally, he had accumulated the notorious distinction of being the most liberal Republican, voting with President Lyndon Johnson's position over 80% of the time. Thus, he was seen as a Republican in name only by conservatives, but he was perfectly suited for the Mayoral "nomination" of the goo-goo crowd.
Subsequently, many prominent Democrats supported Lindsay. Though a few die-hards waited for the Democratic Primary, it was clear that a bipartisan coalition of left-of-center politicians had practically elected Lindsay long before the election. Furthermore, the New York State Liberal Party gave Lindsay its nomination, and this was the culmination of conservative unrest and disdain towards Republican politics in New York.
In 1962, Kieran O'Doherty and Dan Mahoney, two young lawyers disgusted with Governor Nelson Rockefeller's nominal Republicanism, founded the New York State Conservative Party in order to elect conservatives to the many local, state, and national offices that were of concern. By fall of 1964, they had no formal Conservative candidate for Mayor, and so begins this story.
William F. Buckley, Jr. was editor of National Review, an accomplished writer, a weekly columnist, and a staunch conservative when he decided to run for mayor. He was concerned that the Republican party was swinging away from its classic platform, and therefore decided to run for Mayor to carry the Conservative backing and its ideological accruements.
So in April of 1965 he began his campaign, with his brother and future Senator James Buckley serving as campaign manager and confidant Neal Freeman acting as press secretary. Buckley immediately deemed that it was impossible to win the November 1965 election, and so he decided against having many rallies or appearances. Thus, his campaign was half Quixotic, half symbolic.
After his declaration, the press was indifferent, but many associated his candidacy with the far right wing John Birch Society. The growing sentiment in the New York circles was that Buckley was a rightist henchman trying to kill the "moderate" influence that Gov. Rockefeller, Rep. Lindsay, and Senator Jacob Javits (R-NY) had on the party. Of course, Buckley pointed out, his goal was not to destroy moderation but to make sure that the left wing of the GOP did not destroy the party.
The Democrats nominated Comptroller Abraham Beame for Mayor, and many were disappointed. Beame was part of the Wagner regime, and his two "running mates," the candidates for Comptroller and City Council President were Wagner associates. Though Beame stressed his independence, the opinion polls indicated that Lindsay was still running ahead.
Immediately, the campaign turned nastily racial. Buckley, a Catholic, made an off-hand remark about Lindsay's Protestantism, and wildfire began. Beame, a Jewish man, tried to take the high ground, but his numbers did not change. From this point, it was clear that Buckley's vote would make the difference in the campaign.
Since Buckley hurt Lindsay more than Beame, he received a worse assault from the pro-Lindsay camp. He was derided as racist, elite, anti-progress, anti-Protestant, anti-Semitic, etc. Beame finally assailed Buckley, but it seemed that his campaign was not improving. It was, however, apparent to both Beame and Lindsay that the more they criticized Buckley the more votes would be returned to their campaigns.
Beame, a moderate-liberal with a low-key personality and generally boring speeches, had an ineffective campaign from the start. On the other hand, though he was oratorically mundane, John Lindsay had a Kennedyesque charm that led many journalists to speculation on his Presidential aspirations. Buckley was perhaps the most interesting of the three, because he was unfettered in rhetoric because he had no intention of winning. He had colorful speeches and fresh ideas, but the press treated him as if he was Adolf Hitler.
Eventually, the assault on Buckley, his campaign workers, and his speeches diminished his support. On Election Day, Lindsay won the race with 45.3% of the vote. Beame came in behind with only 41.3%. William F. Buckley ended up with 13.4% of the vote, which was significantly lower than projected.
Though it seems as though Lindsay's victory was Buckley's loss of purpose, it must be noted that Buckley's candidacy did more to help the fledgling Conservative Party. The total percent of votes cast for the Conservative ticket, 13.4%, was much higher than the 11.1% cast for Lindsay as a Liberal. Thus, for the first time, the three-year-old Conservative Party outpolled the older Liberal Party in a major election.
This was a great book, because it was written from a dynamic first-person point of view. Buckley more than adequately gave the reader background on New York Mayoral politics, and he then went on to analyze the events leading up to the 1965 race. He described the three candidates, including himself, very much in detail and he never lost sight of his subject matter. Additionally, in the end of the story he compiled many excerpts from various news articles pertaining to his campaign, giving the reader an impartial collection that shows one the hostility most reporters showed towards Buckley's candidacy.
This book was written not for the mere entertainment value that such a firsthand account of politics espouses, but for the cause of conservatism. Buckly is trying to show us that the Republican Party is still not the vehicle for true conservativity, and that third parties can literally grow overnight. His point may be that conservatives ought to form a viable third party. Hopefully, though, the Republican Party will not be detained from pure conservatism for much longer.
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Alan Taylor's WILLIAM COOPER'S TOWN: POWER AND PERSUASION ON THE FRONTIER OF THE EARLY AMERICAN REPUBLIC is an outstanding biography of an archetypical American character, an extraordinary social history of life and politics on the late eighteenth-century frontier and a brilliant exercise in literary analysis.
This is a wonderful read. Taylor's lively prose, compelling narrative and original, fresh story sustained my interest from cover to cover. I never would have imagined such a dull title could cover such a marvelous book. WILLIAM COOPER'S TOWN certainly deserves the Pulitzer Prize it was awarded.
Taylor not only describes William Cooper's rise from rags to riches and even more meteoric fall but analyzes Cooper's political odyssey in America's frontier democratic workshop.
"As an ambitious man of great wealth but flawed gentility, Cooper became caught up in the great contest of postrevolutionary politics: whether power should belong to traditional gentlemen who styled themselves 'Fathers of the People' or to cruder democrats who acted out the new role of 'Friends of the People.'"
Taylor argues "Cooper faced a fundamental decision as he ventured into New York's contentious politics. Would he affiliate with the governor and the revolutionary politics of democratic assertion? Or would he endorse the traditional elitism championed by...Hamilton." "Brawny, ill educated, blunt spoken, and newly enriched," writes Taylor, "Cooper had more in common with George Clinton than with his aristocratic rivals." "For a rough-hewn, new man like Cooper, the democratic politics practiced by Clinton certainly offered an easier path to power. Yet, like Hamilton, Cooper wanted to escape his origins by winning acceptance into the genteel social circles where Clinton was anathema." Taylor concludes "Cooper's origins pulled him in one political direction, his longing in another."
James Fenimore Cooper's third novel, THE PIONEERS, is an ambivalent, fictionalized examination of his father's failure to measure up to the genteel stardards William Cooper set for himself and that his son James internalized. The father's longing became the son's demand.
Taylor analyzes the father-son relationship, strained by Williams decline before ever fully measuring up to the stardards he had set, and the son's fictionalized account of this relationship.
James Fenimore Cooper spent most of his adult life seeking the "natural aristocrat" his father wanted to be and compensating for his father's shortcomings. It is ironic that the person James Fenimore Cooper found to be the embodiment of the "natural aristocrat" his father had longed to be and that he had created in THE CRATER and his most famous character, Natty Bumppo, was the quintessential "Friend of the People"--Andrew Jackson.
I enjoyed this book immensely and give it my strongest recommendation!
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The Massacre lives on in popular imagination, but so does the Boston Massacre, certainly one of the most non-massacres in American history.
On a personal note, my 7th generation great-grandfather Bernardus Bratt commanded the New York troops at Fort William Henry in the summer of 1756 and came out as a company commander in Sir William Johnson's regiment after the 1757 massacre.
Well-written and well-documented modern accounts of the French and Indian War are few and far between. Steele's book should remain the final word for some time to come.
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Billy begins to investigate and soon realizes that hospital administrators are protecting their butts by altering or destroying records. However, his superiors at the Globe want Billy to hang somebody because someone needs to take the public hit as the malevolent person refusing proper health care to a poor child. Billy remains the consummate professional, not concerned with a prize, but with an honest story that will help the victim. Still, the clock is ticking on the life of a little boy and the pressure mounting on Billy to find a public goat.
CITYSIDE is a fabulous look at the journalist profession to hit a home run at every bat since the Watergate exposure. The story line is entertaining and intriguing as readers hope the lad gets his needed operation. However, William Heffernam falters a bit by painting Billy and his seemingly horde of women as totally perfect beings. The so-called villains are portrayed in a more even manner as hospital administrators struggle between costs and proper health care. Mr. Heffernam provides readers with a deep, well-written thriller.
Harriet Klausner
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Jimmy McShane is a former military cop turned NY City private detective. When he is hired to look into the mysterious death of an antiquities dealer, he finds himself getting drawn into a murderous match of wits with the killer, based on the ancient Egyptian Pharaohs' Game of Thirty.
Mixing traditional elements of noir fiction--first person narrative, wisecracking dialogue, and urban locale--with nearly Victorian elements, reminiscent of a Sherlock Holmes or Fu Manchu tale--cobra venom, egyptology and the like--and throwing in a New Age heroine as Jimmy's sidekick, Kotzwinkle produces a neat little thriller that manages to be both modern and nostalgic and seems like it would be perfect for the big screen.
GRADE: B
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List price: $16.00 (that's 30% off!)
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List price: $12.95 (that's 20% off!)
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For those that live --or lived-- there, especially if you spent any amount of time in Far Rock, you must get this book.
To the authors: issue a revised edition with a more emphasis on everything West of Beach 116th Street... and I'll go 5 and a half stars in my next review!
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EKG, (escaped to Long Beach, NY)
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The plot: The staff of a low-brow publications house, among whose many titles is "The Midnight Examiner," bands together to save a porn star from a mafia boss, who she mistakenly shot in the knee. Slapstick action ensues as the rescuers, doped up on voodoo medicines, storm the mafia stronghold with a boomerang, fishing pole, derringer, blowgun, and Swiss Army knife.
The characters: A motley collection of has-beens, never-weres, and eccentrics. Each character comprises a unique set of quirky habits and mannerisms. There's the narrator, a polyester-clad schlep. There's the publisher, who is obsessed with blowguns. There's the new guy, fastidiously dressed, concerned only for his cats, and wickedly good with a fishing pole. There's the resident graphic artist, who has an epileptic/schizophrenic condition and draws big Aztec-like women on living room walls. And the mafia boss, who's driving anxiety is that his taste in interior decoration is low-class. In fact, there's a cornucopia of characters, a snowstorm of maladies, all amusing.
So what's wrong with funny? Nothing, of course. However, the best humor is something more than funny. It's a device used to reveal something deeper at stake by hiding it, by covering it up with laughter, and it's that ironic juxtaposition that strikes deep. The best example I can think of is Salinger - the sarcasm, the swearing, the ridiculous image of a child in a hunting cap wandering around New York City. All of it hiding the grief for a lost brother.
But...back to Kotzwinkle. Funny and entertaining, yes. Moving? Teaching something new? A great book? No, no, and no.