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This premise serves as the central metaphor in A Palace for a King. Elliott, a historian, and Brown, an art historian, examine both the literal and political architecture of the reign, charting the complicated, often surprising interrelation between art and politics. The palace of the title is the Buen Retiro - an intended recreational center built for Philip IV with astonishing speed during the years 1630-33, left largely in neglect after the 1640's, and finally decimated by French and English troops during the Napoleonic wars. In reconstructing the circumstances surrounding its construction and initial occupation, Brown and Elliott attempt to furnish the reader with a "total" history of the Spanish Habsburg court during its penultimate representative's first twenty years of rule.
The scope of the book is immense. In a prose that is precise and elegant, if at times monotonous, it describes the political and economic issues of the day as well as the relationship between the continuously vacillating king and his powerful minister, the Count-Duke of Olivares, who until 1643 held the true control over Spanish government. It then goes on to analyze the palace of the Buen Retiro itself, exploring the process of palace-building and the symbolism of the palace as a repository of the values of the ruling class. Simultaneously, it looks at Spanish baroque painting, theater, and architecture and their inextricable connection to the court at Madrid, which, itself, was in so many ways like a giant theater. Elliott's inquiry and interpretation of the troubles besetting the institution that was then called the monarquía española and of the role played by Olivares makes for particularly rewarding reading.
The book appears to be extremely well-researched and provides an abundance of evidence from primary sources as varied as confidential memoranda, secret expense accounts and drawings of architectural plans; the endnotes alone constitute twenty of its almost three hundred pages. However, it is its very wealth of references and information that also lies at the core of its greatest weakness. Too often, the text becomes bogged down in statistics, where apparently meaningless figures about who paid whom and whose plot of land was where replace any real insights. The authors seem to become trapped in unneeded details, losing track of the larger picture that they originally intended to convey. As a result, in certain chapters, more attention than necessary is devoted to the actual logistics of building the palace and, consequently, not enough to the palace's political, social, and economic implications.
Still, aside from these slightly irritating flaws, Brown and Elliott's work remains a highly absorptive and very informative look at subject that has thus far remained sadly underrepresented amongst the scientific community. The sheer extent of the information to be found makes this book a valuable resource for anyone interested in the period, while the distressing lack of similar studies makes it absolutely essential for those at all curious about Spain's architectural history. It is, in my mind, a fascinating complement and worthy companion to R.A. Stradling's landmark Philip IV and the Government of Spain.
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Philip H. Melanson provides evidence that Sirhan did not act alone, and, the official investigation authorities (LAPD, FBI) covered up evidence that suggested conspiracy (p.4). He was the first author to have access to most of the existing LAPD files on the case. He and his team found that the LAPD had altered, suppressed, and destroyed vital evidence in the case (p.6).
The investigation assumed a "lone gunman" immediately. The trial was only concerned with Sirhan's state of mind (pp.24-25). The number of shots fired, the bullets matched to the wrong gun, were all skipped over. The LAPD's conclusions, its methods and its competence were not tested in an adversarial proceeding. The tapes of Sirhan's interrogations were never released to the defense. The profound discrepancies and conflicts in the evidence were suppressed or ignored by the LAPD and were never addressed by the judicial process.
What made this case so hot that the 1997 Congressional Investigation wouldn't touch it? Will the assassination of RFK ever be reinvestigated by a Congressional Committee? We've also learned a lot since 1991 about the LAPD and the FBI: the Trial of OJ Simpson, and the Inspector General's report on the FBI. (Read "Tainting Evidence: Inside the FBI Crime Lab Scandals" by Kelly and Wearnes.)