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The three books of Ovid's Amores depict a mockery of the values held during the first century of the Christian era. Ovid attempts to show the world the lack of importance in the great virtues presented in many of the major epics of the time. Amores uses satire to describe the author's wooing of women to waging war. It suggests that Ovid's efforts to romance his lovers are much more essential to life than the battles that are taking place during the time period. In that, he proposes that one should live for the day. Duty and valor are all pointless in the end. These ideas were of course very unpopular with the emperor Augustus. After the writing of one of his works the emperor banished Ovid from Rome.
Ovid was a Roman elegist who expressed a carpe diem attitude during a time where duty and honor were more valuable than life itself. He was born Publius Ovidus Naso in the town of Sulmo (now called Sulmona), near Rome in the year 43 BC. He was a highly educated man, originally skilled in the art of law. However, his passion was for literature and he spent a great deal of his time writing his own works rather than studying the past. His poetry of love probably stems from his own relationships, for by the age of 30 he had married three times and was divorced twice, with rumors of affairs. He lived an extravagant life and was well-it respected by the people of Rome. This high profile Roman life lasted until approached the age of 50 when he was banished from Rome by Augustus. The reasons behind the banishment are unclear. Some say it is a result of a disapproval by Augustus of Ovid's work while others say that Ovid knew too much of a scandal that involved the emperor's daughter Julia. He was exiled to Tomi, in the Roman province of Dacia, and although he never lost his citizenship, he never returned to Rome and died in Tomi in the 17 AD.
Ovid's works can be categorized into three periods: his early works, his middle works, and the works written after his exile from Rome. His works, in contrast to popular works of the time such as Vergil's Aenied, are sharp in contrast. Although his ideas ran contrary to the beliefs of the time, Ovid was extremely popular in Rome. Amores was written in his early period, when the focus of his writings was on love. His middle works concentrate more on mythology and creationism, while his latter works, those written after his exile, have a depressing and bitter tone. He is said to have influence many English writers, including William Shakespeare and John Milton, and was one of the Roman poets with a tremendous impact on the writers of both the Middle Age and Renaissance periods.
During this time period in Rome the emperor Augustus favored and promoted the ideas of honor and duty. Those loyal to Rome were expected to embrace these values without question. Because of this writers such as Vergil gained much approval with the emperor. Their writings embraced these ideas and even portrayed them as being greater than love. Ovid's style and theme in Amores as with most of his writings favors a less dutiful attitude toward life.
Ovid's Amores also known as The Erotic Poems describes the poet's love affair with a woman named Corinna. In a series of three books Ovid depicts the phases of his relationship. He starts buy telling us how he came to write about love, and his encounter with cupid. (...)Corinna becomes the target of Ovid's love. During an afternoon he tells us of a rendezvous experienced with his new found love and spares little detail. As Ovid goes through his tale of love with Corinna he describes many experiences with her that begin to change from beginning to end. Ovid begins comparing his love affair and love in general to the efforts of war. (...) Here we see his analogy of war with love. When Carinna locks Ovid out during the writing of an epic he explains the unimportance of his work. (...)Ovid explains how his words are more effective then the strongest weapons. Poetry can open the doors of any young girl. Ovid's message is clear throughout Amores. Things such as duty and honor should not be worried about. One must live for the moment.
(...)


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'Herod the Great, as he is usually called, was much like Henry VIII, Catherine the Great, of Peter the Great: talented, vigourous, lusty, skillful, charismatic, attractive, decisive, influential--but a disaster in his personal life. Like them, Herod changed his nation's history.'
In a biographical study an author need not like the subject, but it helps if there is something to admire. Herod's personality is not attractive; had I been a contemporary I should not have wanted to spend much time with him.
This having been said, Richardson does find much of interest and intrigue in the character and the deeds of Herod the Great.
Herod was king of the Jews by virtue of his assistance to the Romans who were, during the 50-year period preceding the birth of Jesus and the beginning of the common/Christian era, consolidating power throughout much of the eastern Mediterranean lands. Herod married many times for increasing political and social purposes (a trend that would continue in the Herodian line -- John the Baptist was beheaded primarily for pointing out the marriage difficulties with a later Herod).
Herod the Great, founder of the line that would last and be an influence in Roman and Christian development for some two hundred years, died in 4 BCE, in Jericho, not long after the events that would have created the first Christian martyrs -- the slaying of the newborns of Bethlehem. The timing of his death in Jericho makes it appear to be divine justice, but independent verification of the Biblical story has never been found.
Richardson approaches the historical subject in a somewhat backwards fashion, examining the details of the death of Herod and the aftermath his will and the will of Rome in shaping his legacy to their ends. Using close sources such as Josephus, Richardson then proceeds to examine earlier, less well-documented periods in Herod's life, including his early service to Rome and his attempts at consolidation of power at different points. Shortly before key events that would bring him the favour of the Romans, Herod himself was on trial in Jerusalem for his possible usurpation of power that was not rightfully his -- this bravado, however, found favour with the Romans who followed his career with interest ever after.
Richardson also explores Herod's influence in the building up of Jerusalem into a great city as well as outside projects (major fortresses, palaces, religious and cultural buildings, commercial construction and infrastructure), as well as his support of and rivalry with various religious factions in Jerusalem and surrounding Judea. Herod's relationship with the Temple and priestly elite had ramifications throughout the religious fabric of Judaism of the time, which in various factions held differing beliefs about the appropriate constitution of the priestly officials and the practices these should perform. Herod incurred the disfavour of Sadducees, Pharisees, Esssenes, Herodians, Brigands, and others at different points in turn.
In the final chapters, Richardson turns to examine the role of Herod and his descendants in Christianity. He examines in detail the likelihood of Herod ordering the death of the newborns (or even knowing of the birth of a potential rival king). He examines also the role of Herod Antipas in the death of John and Jesus. Josephus confirms John the Baptist's death at the hands of Antipas, though recounts somewhat differently from gospel accounts. The gospels relate two independent traditions regarding the relationship of Jesus and Herod Antipas.
In all, this is a fascinating history that brings up great detail and context with which to read the gospel stories, the Roman history in the Middle East, and the Dead Sea Scrolls in a new context.


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Just one example of Kreeft's powerful imagery is his picture of Christianity as a flower: Faith is the root, hope the stem, and charity the flower. "The flower is the fairest, the stem does the growing, but the root must come first" (p.170)
I expect to return to this book time and again. For anyone who wants to know what Christians believe (including Christians), this is essential reading. The last section on the unity of the Church in which Kreeft lists the things both Protestants and Catholics would have to surrender to become one again is worth the price of the book. Kreeft calls his vision of a united Church "The Evangelical Catholic Church" and perhaps his ideas could serve as a starting point for meaningful conversation. I also enjoy his list of questions concerning orthodoxy that can unify all Christians.


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too scholarly, richly detailed and subtly nuanced to be the first
book about John Henry Newman or the Oxford Movement that a
novice in 19th Century British history will feel up to. The
beginner might well first read Newman's two novels CALLISTA
and LOSS AND GAIN and then slowly and deliberately spiral
outward and upward into the huge specialized literature about
the Church of England (CoE) in the first half of the 19th Century.
With that caveat, a more advanced reader will not want to pass
Nockles by. For this distinguished scholar brings to life the late
18th and early 19th Century Church of England and also its
embattled on-the-defensive sisters in Scotland and Ireland. That
Church is seen as it battles Parliament to remain "established,"
that is, the popular religion of England and a kind of partner to
Crown and Government. The Oxford Movement appeared after
the Reformers, the Puritans and the Methodists as yet another
effort to return an increasingly worldly, secularizing CoE to
Christian religious fervor.
Inevitably, John Henry Newman takes center stage. His early
conversion to Evangelical Christianity within the CoE also
introduced him to patristics and the Christianity of the first five
centuries. He and his associates in the reforming Oxford
Movement, Richard Hurrell Froude, John Keble and Edward
Pusey, as Nockles demonstrates, did not come from nowhere.
They built more than they were willing to admit on often
underestimated predecessors of the previous fifty years,
especially among the old "high and dry" Anglican high
churchmen.
There was a nation-wide struggle for the religious heart of John
Bull among Anglicans across the board, Evangelicals,
Methodists, Roman Catholics, secularizers and the "middle way"
Oxford Movement. Newman and colleagues moved boldly with
their 90 Tracts for the Times to vindicate the apostolic and
"catholic" claims of the national church. They challenged often
wealthy, worldly bishops to stand up to an interfering
Parliament--even to the point of martyrdom. The Oxford
Movement also sought to restore pre-Reformation beliefs and
practices to a church officially, albeit weakly, Protestant.
Even as the CoE establishment beat back Newman and the
Movement, it eventually absorbed many of their ideas on liturgy,
reading of history, prophetical religion, celibacy, invocation of
saints, auricular confession, the Eucharist, Baptism and on and
on.
In short, the Oxford Movement, like predecessor waves of
reform throughout English history, left the national church an
organization much more dedicated than before both to individual
holiness and to ways of life inducive to collective sanctity.
Ironically, as Peter Nockles concludes (p. 320) "...the Oxford
Movement caused the Church of England to become
theologically more tolerant when, in fact, its aim had been to
make it more dogmatic."
-OOO-

I recommend this book to those who have some knowledge of the topic already and are looking for a book that goes into detail. This is definately not an introduction to the topic; if you are looking for an introduction I recommend starting with a differant book and picking this one up later.

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De Rosa chronicles the centuries of Roman Catholic "rule" over the "Church." It is fascinating to read the history behind the development of the "Church" as we know it, and behind some of the doctrines of Catholicism. The teaching of Purgatory, for instance, grew out of the need to raise funds. The Pope invented Purgatory so he could sell indulgences in order to allow souls out!
After reading this description of the vast wickedness of this pseudo-church, one must read the seventeenth chapter of Revelation. The Apostle John perfectly described what was to come!
I found De Rosa's history lesson captivating. If he'd stayed with history, he'd have gotten 5-stars. But he shows his ignorance several times when he talks about foundational Christian doctrines such as the Resurrection (from what I could tell, he doesn't believe Christ rose bodily), the Creation (he believes in the foolish myth of Evolution), and our Sin Nature (he needs to read again what Paul said on this).
De Rosa also errs several time in his discussion of the origins of the Bible. For instance, he says that the Johannine Commma (I John 5:7) appears in no Greek manuscript. This is not true. While it's appearance in the extant Greek manuscripts is very rare, it does yet appear. De Rosa also goes so far as to imply that Isaiah didn't write the book of Isaiah, and a few other equally foolish things.
De Rosa seemed a little difficult to follow at times, and the last few chapters seemed to drag on, as he delved into a discussion primarily regarding current Catholic views on sex, contraception, abortion, and divorce.
De Rosa is not anti-Catholic (he's a former Jesuit priest!); he seems to want genuine reform. But one must ask, "Reform to what?" If you deny the Bible, deny Christ, and deny God, as De Rosa seems to do, you're left with nothing but a relativistic man-made traditionalism that can be anything the "man of the hour" wants it to be.

Like Father De Rosa, I was born and bred a devout Catholic, became a priest, became disillusioned with the Church after the old guard regained control of the Church, following the Second Vatican Council, and I left the priesthood in disgust in the very same year, 1970.
I know how terribly difficult it is for Roman Catholics to see how crazy their world is, but this quote from Pope Urban VIII to Galileo, after he had just been amazed at what he saw when peering through one of Galileo's great new scientific instruments, a microscope, for the first time is a great illustration. "You may have IRREFUTABLE PROOF of the earth's motion (around the sun). This DOES NOT PROVE the earth actually moves... God is above human reason; and what seems perfectly reasonable to men may prove folly to God." (p.226) The fact is that Urban, like most spokesman for the Catholic Church, can't seem to distinguish between GOD and "men of God". He wasn't really talking about what GOD thinks, but what CHURCHMEN think. And he was saying that so long as the Church had the power to stiffle the scientific community, the folly of churchmen would trump the IRREFUTABLE PROOF of scientists.
Now that books like these have let the light of truth into my life, I can vouch for the truth of Jesus' words,"The Truth shall make you free." To see what following Christ is really all about, go to http://www.LiberalsLikeChrist.Org/Christlike .


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This is an outstanding example of excellence in Catholic apologetics. It is also a compelling argument against those Protestants who believe, for some reason, that Catholic scholars can't, don't, or won't use Scripture.
The book provides a remarkable Scriptural exegesis for the Office of Peter, and supports that exegesis through citations from the Church Fathers (both East and West), from Reformation era Protestants, and even from Eastern Orthodox theologians.
I personally know two of the men who reviewed this book. One, a highly skilled professor of New Testament and Church History has since become a Catholic. (Please see my review of "Mighty in Word and Deed" by James Shelton).
I, myself, used this volume as a secondary source in the preparation of my Master's Thesis.
The minor downsides to this book are that the presentation is sometimes choppy. It's a difficult volume to actually sit and read through -- and this is something which could easily be changed, and that a few of the citations would have greatly benefited from some context.
Other than these minor items, I found this book extremely valuable.
I highly recommed this work.


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Ray often quotes Protestant scholars, who agree with some Catholic teachings, and others who disagree with them. That helps a lot, too, because some Catholic books about apologetics seem not to quote Protestant sources that confirm Catholic beliefs.
"Upon This Rock" includes an extensive bibliography, too.
But for me, the book has an annoying feature. Often, a footnote will fill most of a page. So after you read a paragraph or two of bigger print, you need to get most of the page's detail from the small print in the footnote. The book would have been much longer without the footnotes, but I would prefer much normal size print to much tiny print.
Buy this book. It will prove that the Catholic Church is right about Peter and about the papacy.

The mistake that this Eastern Orthodox reviewer makes illustrates a basic problem with attempts to interpret the historical evidence in an Eastern Orthodox or Anglican way: these via media are self-destructive, as Newman realized. The Orthodox accept the hierarchical authority of bishops and the infallibility of Ecumenical Councils. But the scriptural evidence and the evidence from the ante-Nicene Fathers is stronger for the papacy than for the authority of Ecumenical Councils. One can pick holes in the evidence for the papacy, but only by using arguments that ultimately can be used even more effectively against other doctrines that the Orthodox would wish to uphold. Protestants have the same problem: the same arguments that are used against the papacy can be turned even more effectively against the New Testament. To return to Ray's book, I recommend it very highly.

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The only disappointing aspect of SS is its discussion of philosophical positions that are at variance with Aquinas. Like many philosophers working in Roman Catholic institutions, Kreeft has a tendency to present false straw-man interpretations of philosophers whose conclusions he disagrees with, and then to "refute" these philosophers by kicking down the straw men. (For the record, I am Roman Catholic.) For instance, on a footnote on p. 522, Kreeft erroneously attributes to Hobbes the view that people are naturally vicious and to Hume the view that knowledge is nothing other than the passive reception and ordering of sense impressions. Kreeft strongly hints to the reader here that Aquinas' own positions are more cogent than those of Hume and Hobbes, but this is misleading since the footnote presents a "straw-man Hobbes" and a "straw man Hume". Kreeft's tendency to misinterpret and then unfairly dismiss certain important philosophical doctrines even leads him to occasionally misrepresent Aquinas. For instance, in a footnote on pp. 430-431 Kreeft claims that Aquinas' example on these pages refutes utilitarianism. In fact, the classical doctrine of utilitarianism as John Stuart Mill and Henry Sidgwick formulated it is designed to show that the very example Aquinas gives is a CONSEQUENCE of utilitarianism.
In summation, readers can profit immensely from a careful study of the classic text and supplementary materials in SS, but they should take care not to trust anything said here about philosophers who disagree with Aquinas at face value.

The book begins with a glossary of terms needed to comprehend Aquinas' thought. Unless you are familiar with these terms, you should really take the time to learn them before embarking on the rest of the book.
This book is a very good introduction and reference for Aqunias' thought. For absolute beginners with no background at all in Aristotelian philosophy however, you will probably want to first read Mortimer J. Adler's "Aristotle for Everybody" before tackling this book.