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Some of what he has to say is the insight he has gained as a financial advisor and student of theology. Some is time-honored common sense. Sadly, as he reveals, too often religious and other leaders have advocated other paths, and the results may have been painful for those who took their advice.
Virtually anyone, from the wealthiest to those with very modest incomes, can find something in this volume which will be helpful and not difficult to follow. Moore empowers by giving the reader possibilities into what he or she may personally do to be a responsible steward, and his approaches literally work around the world. If you want to strengthen or renew your hope in your faith, yourself, and your world then "Faithful Finances 101" is an excellent place to start.
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Hayek famously declared that his 'Road to Serfdom' was dedicated to socialists of all parties as he warned against the dangers of totalitarian rule for liberal(I use the word advisedly) democracies.
This pamphlet is a reprint of an 1949 essay of Hayek wherein he pursued the dictum of Keynes' contained with the 'General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money' about the influence of ideas.
In the essay Hayek questions the view that intellectuals are original thinkers. For him, original thinkers are few and far between but their ideas and views are percolated through society by the intellectuals. Those 'second-hand dealers in ideas' as Hayek referred to them are not necessarily the greatest scholars or the most brilliant minds but are adept at taking ideas and regurgitating them as teachers or journalists or through some other profession such that they pass through to the general public. Hayek contends that intelligent people consider intelligence to be more important than it is and in the world of men and thus tends to be more socialist orientated as those people view the market with disdain. He recognises that the market is a fundamental part of establishing value through individuals participating in a trial and error system of exchange which the intelligensia overlook but which directly affects them anyway. For Hayek, the battle of ideas was to be won, not by the original thinkers, but by the spread of classical liberal ideas by the class of intellectuals who could be convinced of the power of new, or perhaps not so new, ideas.
As Edwin Feulner, one of the editors, remarks, this article was a clarion call to those who espoused a classical liberal standpoint. Following on from this was the establishment of the free market think-tank, the Institute of Economic Affairs and other such institutions around the world. The story goes on to celebrate to some degree at least the success in bringing classical liberal ideas to the fore in many countries around the world and the success of some of those ideas.
So far, sort of, so good. A word of warning should be sounded. Whereas I agree with the aims of the paper I am circumspect about the current situation. To me there is more to classical liberal ideas than just a free economy. It does appear from my point of view that the battle of ideas is being won by neo-conservatives and authoritarians of all parties rather than by liberals. Others may disagree but the lesson I have taken from reading this marvellous little book again is that all who rally to the flag of Classical Liberalism need be extra vigilant in these uncertain times against the further development of neo-conservative and authoritarian ideas because they threaten not only the gains that have been made in the last fifty years but also many of the liberties we all cherish in our western democracies.
Liberals of the world, Unite!
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This book recounts JFK's life until his election in Congress, beginning years before his birth with accounts of his grandparents and parents and what drove Joseph Kennedy to obsess on politics. While it includes JFK's assorted premarital affairs, there is also a great deal of complicated and in-depth information on his Navy service, his health, his political life, his family life, and the things that would affect him when he later became president of the United States.
Hamilton manages to pull more material -- only a portion of Kennedy's life -- into more pages than most Kennedy biographers could if they tried. He does this by incredibly in-depth investigation into just about everything in Kennedy's life. This approach not only gives much-needed depth to Kennedy himself, but to other people in his life. While his parents are no more sympathetic here than they ever were (meaning that they probably were as they seem), people that he interacted with (and in some cases, slept with) are given new attention. For example, his first serious lover Inga Arvad is explored in greater depth. Here she is not a promiscuous gold-digger or a clingy adulteress, but a woman who is willing to give up her love for his own good. Her Nazi sympathies and marital status are not downplayed, but her emotions and feelings are presented to the readers to make us realize what she was like.
And Hamilton's skill as a writer shows in how he is able to include all this detail and all these anecdotes without boring the readers silly. The eight-hundred-plus pages fly by like those of a book half its length, sprinkled with occasional pictures of JFK, his parents, "Inga Binga," Lem Billings, and others. These pictures are relatively few and far between, but make up for it in quality rather than quantity.
If you read one Kennedy biography, make sure that it's this one. Nigel Hamilton's "Reckless Youth" is written with style, class, and skill. Definitely worth the read.
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I think that what should be taken away from 'Titan' is that John D. Rockefeller was neither an angel nor a demon, but like most people, had a complex personality that included self-directed rationalizations for his actions. Granted, the scope of his accomplishments was wildly different from most peoples', but in the end he was like any other person: eager for success, concerned with the well-being of his family, and full of his own personality quirks and contradictions.
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The living characters from the previous novels all show up again. Rabbit spends much of his time reflecting not only basketball, but people now dead, and his own mortality. His marriage is now stable, though always dysfunctional, and he realizes he is entering into the 2nd half of his life.
Money hasn't made Rabbit any happier. If anything he was much more easy-going when he worked with his father as a printer.
The book, like the others, ends in a false hope happy ending. Read Updike if you want to ponder life or be shocked. The effort is well worth it.
As in "Rabbit, Run," the sex scenes (and the sexual energy in general) are poignant and unforgettable.
Through these characters, Updike offers us a portrait of life's restlessness and the pitfalls of growing older. Like "Rabbit, Run" (and unlike "Rabbit Redux") this novel can be read as a standalone and be rewarding.
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The relationship between the two brothers, and the dynamic political partnership it generated, was one of the most important in American politics.
This is the subject of Richard Mahoney's Sons and Brothers. But the book also documents their father Joe's relationship with the corrupt worlds of the mafia, the labour unions and J. Edgar Hoover's FBI.
Although the research is copious, there are no revelations. The author draws on the work and ideas of conspiracy kings Anthony Summers (The Arrogance of Power) and Seymour Hersh (The Dark Side of Camelot), while the controversial movie director Oliver Stone gets a thank you in the acknowledgments.
While they were growing up, John and Robert were not particularly close. After the death of their older brother, Joe jnr, during World War II (and sister Kathleen a few years later) the family's political prospects rested with John. The brothers' relationship became close: Robert managed John's 1952 Senate campaign, his ill-fated bid for the Democratic vice-presidential nomination in 1956 and his run for the presidency in 1960.
Following the Kennedy win, the new president - and his father - wanted Robert as attorney-general. Robert protested but in the end John's desire for someone he could trust won out. Anticipating criticism over the appointment, John explained to the press: "I can't see that it's wrong to give him a little legal experience before he goes out to practise law."
Robert was an activist attorney-general, tackling problems like the civil rights movement, the mafia underworld and the corruption endemic in many of the labour unions. He was also included in all the administration's important decisions; his access to and influence over his brother was unmatched.
After hearing for the first time that the Soviet Union was building nuclear missile sites in Cuba, it was his brother that the president immediately summoned to the White House. In the ensuing days of the crisis, Robert played an integral role in securing a peaceful outcome.
But the darker side of the brothers' lives is also examined. Mahoney uses FBI reports to describe John's and his father's numerous sexual escapades, and claims that Robert strayed only once with Marilyn Monroe.
The Kennedy connection to the mob is not a new allegation, but Mahoney emphasises its depth: in the 1960 presidential election, for example, he explains how the Kennedys used the Mob already a major financial contributor to falsify ballots and buy votes.
In addition, he claims that Democratic Party bosses in Chicago and New York "periodically received briefcases full of campaign money" from Joe in return for political favours. A portrait emerges of a father and his two sons negotiating their way through American politics to power, using their connections with Hollywood, the mafia, the unions and party bosses to achieve their ambition.
Conscious of Machiavelli's dictum that men "seldom or never advance themselves from a small beginning to any great height except by fraud or force", Joe Kennedy knew that the price for power was a moral one. John went along with the dictum while Robert resisted it.
Mahoney's overarching theme builds to a climax through the nexus he develops between the Kennedys, the mafia and the CIA. Essentially, his thesis is that the mafia grew resentful of Robert's pursuit of it; that anti-Castro Cubans were frustrated with the administration's apparent detente with Cuba in the wake of the missile crisis; and that the CIA had a contract with the mafia to assassinate Castro.
He suggests that the CIA hired mafia figure and Kennedy acquaintance Johnny Rosselli to assassinate the Cuban leader, and that both John and Robert approved of the arrangement.
Mahoney writes that it was the Kennedys' pursuit of Castro that led Cuba to seek protection from the Soviet Union, which eventually led to the crisis and the showdown between Kennedy and the Soviet leader Khrushchev.
Robert was deeply traumatised by John's death. Mahoney describes him as "like a widowed spouse" who was paralysed by grief. He was haunted by the idea that he himself had contributed to the murder of his brother, given his pursuit of Castro, the mafia and his bad relations with Hoover.
Robert's rising political star had been hitched to his brother's; but under Lyndon Johnson's presidency, he became an outsider.
Tortured by his brother's death and their unfulfilled legacy, Robert ran successfully for the Senate in 1964 and later for the presidency in 1968. He became a fierce critic of the Johnson administration's policies on Vietnam, civil rights and poverty.
Sons and Brothers is well written and documented but the author does not discuss in depth the nature of the brothers' personal relationship beyond the politics. John and Robert's iconic status was enhanced by their sudden and violent deaths. Their lives are now frozen in time remembered for the dream of what they might have been.
As Robert exited through the kitchen of the Ambassador Hotel after claiming victory in the 1968 California Democratic presidential primary, he was gunned down. Lying on the floor losing consciousness, his last words to an aide were, "Jack, Jack."
* This review was published in The Sydney Morning Herald