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The thing that I liked best about this book is that it spotlights some obscure presidents that you rarely hear about such as James K. Polk, James Buchanan and Chester A. Arthur. I particularly found the chapter on Franklin Pierce very interesting. He had high presidential ambitions but at the same time, he had to keep his ambitions a secret from his wife because she did not want him involved in politics.
The book does an excellent job of covering presidential amibitions up until the Eisenhower administration. After this, the author gives an abbreviated view of the Cold War, Vietnam and Watergate. I found this to be strange because it would seem that this period of American history would provide the most blatant examples fo men manipulating events and circumstances to maintain power and shape policy. In anycase, this was the only shortcoming that I didn't like but overall it is a very good easy to read book that is well worth your time.
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Nevertheless there is some great material here that should be of value to those interested in the origins of Christianity and the work being done by the Jesus Seminar. Of particular interest to me was the point that Paul was not setting up a religion and cannot be called a Christian by today's definition.
Living in an age when religion has too often been high-jacked by fundamentalists of all denominations and faith groups, to serve only petty theological agendas, Horsley's collection stands for us as a useful reminder that faith can be something more.
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The mantra of the book appears to be "do everything," when what a lost manufacturing manager needs is help on what are the (very few) key points of control in a system, how to identify them, and how to use them to powerful effect.
The author would have you believe that "customer service" should be the goal of production. Nonsense. Customer service is a very important tool that is a means to an end: cash flow. If cash flow could be best guaranteed by ignoring customer service, then companies would be foolish to do otherwise.
As it happens, customer service is a vital key to production, but only so far as it directly or indirectly supports the financial engine that drives a company. Evidence: it would be trivial to design a production system that supports the customer better than any in the world and that loses all viability in month.
This book gets a couple of stars due to the presence of a few good thoughts, but the author seems to have no clue what to do with them, or which are most critical.
For better results, go straight to the source with Deming, or get some focus with Goldratt.
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D'Aveni is unable to provide examples of companies who have followed the approach he describes and thus his argument is weakened by a lack of coherent or consistent case studies. He is forced to rely on a series of vignettes that attempt to justify small parts of his argument.
As an academic exercise in reviewing similarities across social, military and business history, Strategic Supremacy offers some interesting insights. As a tool for understanding the competitive environment and developing strategies it does not, in my opinion, offer a great deal that current tools cannot provide.
I have read virtually every book there is on business strategy - this one rates as one of the worst.
Dr. Jeffrey A. Sonnenfeld,
Associate Dean, Yale School of Management,
& Founder and CEO, The Chief Executive Leadership Institute, "The CEO College"
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His argument sounds to me suspiciously like the old fungible commodities / surplus value contrast, once used to characterize The Developing World and rationalize its economic subjection to The Developed World: the low profit margins in the former's economic activities ultimately made them prey to the high profit margins in the latter's -- Celso Furtado and many others torpedoed this idea long ago.
I also find it difficult to accept that China and India et al. willingly will don the old Latin American latifundia role of becoming merely offshore manufacturing and assembly sites for US and European managerial / owner consumers. There will be resistance to this, not least from all the US and European - educated hitech entrepreneurs who now are back home in Bangalore and Shanghai setting up startups: there are some very bright folks among them, and they are not entirely ignorant of the economic history which Rosecrance blithely assumes away in his book.
So there may be more conflict than Rosecrance postulates -- _will_ be, if the US and Europeans use their current economic and political muscle to force their current world market capitalism views on the Chinese and Indians and others. President Clinton is trying this out this week (11/22/99) in Florence on the Europeans, and some among even them are balking.
The very old international law view that the essential function of The State is the monopolization of the use of force -- somebody's got to do it -- could come back into fashion, then. Rosecrance also assumes away this conflict issue: he thinks that Developed and Developing, locked into a happy dance of mutual economic dependence, somehow never will find anything to fight about, or at least will see personal loss in fighting.
This begs the question of inequality, the fatal flaw in Mercantilism and Colonialism and a number of other World Economic Orders which foundered long before Rosecrance's Virtual Statism is going to founder. I expect myself that Chinese computer design and Indian software design, and the _local_ finance and management of same, all are going to be pretty good, actually -- and those people will fight to create and keep their comparative advantages in these and other economic areas. Trade is merely warfare by peaceful means -- an equation which easily becomes reversed under stress.
The Virtual State is a good idea, but Rosecrance's formulation of it is not: the new flows of goods and services have been analyzed by others -- the issues which Rosecrance derives from this novelty are old, and their resolution is very old and not at all virtual. This is a simplistic book, uninformed by economic history. Rosecrance preaches to the choir in the US, but his ideas will play differently overseas.
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Summers has done quite a bit of research and links quite well the major partners in Nixon's campaigns and in addition the men that eventually help run the country. There is so much about Nixon's personal flaws and self gain obsession there is a question of balance. On the one hand I am amazed at the amount of detail that links Nixon to win at all costs campaign men, illegal money contributions even from mobsters, a long association with Howard Hughes, money laundering through Beebe Rebozo's bank, Swiss bank accounts, Nixon's plan to screw Johnson's peace initiative to win the election, his over compulsion with dirty tricks. It's hard to conclude otherwise that Nixon was a bad man more caught up with his own style of government. However, at times when the author goes back to Nixon's HS days its almost seems impossible for anyone retrospectively to say anything nice about Nixon other than his earnest desire to succeed. You almost expect someone to say "I remember Nixon when he was in diapers, even my dog didn't like him!" A question to be explored upon a broader canvas is how bad was Nixon compared to other politicians. Was illegal fund raising rampant and typical of the candidates in that era? Is it still happening today? After all, Nixon even on tape seems to say the other guys are doing it too. And the author concludes that Robert Kennedy was bugging Nixon while he served as his brother's Attorney General which Nixon discovers.
During the presidency, Nixon finds out the Joint Chief are spying on Kissinger (The Radford Affair).
Besides the illegal contributions, the most devastating part of the book deals with not so much Nixon's development of the plumbers but in his post Watergate obsession to deal with Watergate instead of running the country. Summers does a great job of accounting of Nixon's whereabouts in the final 18 months of his presidency where according to the logs, Nixon spends a great deal of time on the California coast or Florida with Beebe. In addition, the critical tapes show Nixon totally focused on Watergate In addition, Summers states quite emphatically that Nixon without his secret psychotherapist was unstable due to the use of Dilantin, alcohol and sleeping pills. The latter part almost sounds like Elvis' final hours as Nixon is portrayed as a mentally compromised man who could no longer govern. It's a pretty frightening portrayal and if the Nixon Summers describes is accurate, then Al Haig and Henry Kissinger did a disservice to the country in not working to ease Nixon out of power. In Summers' portrayal, the final period of Nixon's presidency almost reminds me of the movie "Dave" where the Chief of Staff tries to take over the government by not disclosing that the president had a stroke. While reading these parts of the book I was hoping that this was overstated because if not, Nixon was not lucid over the final 12 months of his presidency.
A book worth reading but a little more balance on how Nixon compared to his political adversaries would have been helpful, gosh Tom Dewey supported Nixon and he appeared to have similar fund raising issues. And didn't Nixon do more than just break down the cold war barriers a bit with Russia and China? Did he have any interest in domestic issues at all?
Now if Summers would do a book on John Dean. Dean acts extra clean since he bailed out first. Is a hit man any nicer because he cut a deal?
"Arrogance" is a full biography crafted around a collection of psychological insights into the subject -- it is a tale of one soul's journey through 20th century American Politics -- a tale of predictable disasters. It is so much more than Watergate, though readers knowledgable of Watergate detail will find much here that is new, and demands integration into one's Watergate fact file. But since Nixon materials are scheduled to be opened by various archives well into the second quarter of the 21st century, we probably will need more Summers-like books, books that synthesize new materials either as additions or corrections into the detailed analysis of Nixon.
But in year 2000 Summers adds it up as follows: Nixon as a kid learned telling the truth frequently led to a whipping, telling lies avoided that possibility. He learned to stuff his emotions so deep, they never really matured. He came to doubt his parents evangelical Quaker piety -- but he never explored so as to replace it with a mature value and belief system. He was ripe to be caught by that place where the American Mafia and American Business intersect, and need presentable political actors. In 1946 they needed a vet, good education, someone with a velvet fist to bust the labor movement, someone who would serve interests so long as he was well paid, (under the table mind you). Nixon got and took the offer -- and Summers details the whole long list of transactions that salt Nixon's rise...all the way to the post resignation annual visits to his secret Swiss Bank Accounts.
Much has been made in the press of the possible physical abuse of Pat Nixon at her husband's hand -- the sources are interesting, but not convicting. Nonetheless, the narrative is filled with instances of psychological abuse, a profound story of attachment disorder. One wonders why no one speculated about this during the long Nixon public career?
Summers provides the basis for raising the question needing debate -- how was it that a political party selected this flawed person for leadership? Just reading through the sources one understands Nixon's intimates knew something of the truth -- but they nominated him twice for Vice President, and three times for President -- we need to comprehend why. His own psychologist seemed to know in 1951 that he could not handle stress, but professional ethics of course kept him from speaking out. His profound problems with truth and trust were apparent to his political allies -- but they turned away from the responsibility to act. Summers does not ask these questions, but readers ought to consider them.
As in his previous book about "Jaye" Edgar Hoover--pun intended for fans of "The Crying Game"--Summers has used a sensational but semi-corroborated allegation as a publicity hook for an otherwise exhaustively researched and important book. But if this is what it takes to get people to read about such dangerous men--Hoover with rentboys at the Plaza Hotel, or Nixon beating his wife--then more power to the authors. Regardless, these allegations are consistent with everything else we read about in the books. Unfortunately in the case of Nixon, it seems as though it was the evil that was interred with his bones, not the good. Thanks to Summers and Swan for exhuming it.
1.Our presidents have been (from Washington onward) insatiably ambitious men who have done not-so-nice things to get and maintain power;
2.Their ambition and willingness to bend the rules often provided the leadership needed to steer the country through difficult times; and
3.Changes in the media, immigration, political parties, and technology forced presidents to take extreme measures to get and keep power.
What makes his book even more interesting is that he uses evidence from the historical record of presidents *before* Truman. And Shenkman spends a lot of time discussing presidents that most people know nothing about: Cleveland, Hayes, Buchanan, Polk (and his chapters on Buchanan and Polk are the best of the lot). This alone makes the book worth reading: I can't wait to suggest it to my blowhard uncle who claims Clinton was the first president besides Nixon to lie in office.
So why 3 stars, given that I am so enthusiastic about the content and the rigor of Shenkman's work? His writing has been called "breezy" and "journalistic". And his prose is both of those things, but there are times in this book that Shenkman gets in his own way with his self-conscious prose. He overuses two devices that should never, ever be overused in prose--sentence fragments and slang. The first time he used the word "caved" to describe a presidential capitulation, it was refreshing, but by the fourth I was tired of it. More annoying was his continued use of sentence fragments. Some of his points flourished with the punchy use of such informal prose; but in other cases, the device felt to me like an affection-an affection unworthy of someone like Shenkman whose prose in other places was indeed breezy and graceful.
That said, these problems are not serious enough to diminish the maturity of Shenkman's commentary. I think it is an excellent book for people (of any age) interested in the presidency. Some readers may be put off by Shenkman's moral relativism, and I guarantee the book would make for a lively discussion for a book group.