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Throughout the entire book, there are quotations from various writers that just seemed to express the turmoil of mind and emotions that grief causes.
I have given this book to many who have lost someone dear to them.
I know it will help so many work through Grief.
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The title is taken from a letter Madison wrote in which he discussed the "business" of the upcoming Constitutional Convention (in May of 1789), of which Madison--along with Alexander Hamiltion--was the prime mover.
Miller's book expertly and eloquently explores the influences on Madison's thinking, from his reading of David Hume's essays on the ideal conditions for a republic, to his correspondence with Washington, Jefferson and many others in which he fleshed out his ideas of how to turn the weak, ineffectual Articles into a government that had both power and staying power.
As Miller points out, Madison's genius was his understanding of human behavior, and his awareness that any government must be shaped in ways that take advantage of the "better angels of our nature," but also (more important) minimize, or at least accommodate, the darker side of our nature.
By fashioning a government with limited and shared powers; by holding frequent elections in which the leaders are held accountable; by ensuring that the people possess certain rights that no government can threaten (on pain of being altered or abolished), Madison was the first among equals in the creation of a truly representative government that has lasted more than 200 years and shows no signs of dying out.
Miller himself is one of the few (William Manchester is another) historians whose thorough research is matched by his delightful writing style. I have two copies of the book--a hardcopy for reading and a paperback for underlining.
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As someone who has read and is familiar with nearly all the references in the Miller-Redfield book, I suggest you begin your journey at the end by reading Appendix 2, entitled "The Perfect Twosome Continued." Here you will find the positive possibilities for taking this "Beyond the Zone" journey.
I read this book in my 58th year and learned more about the Laws of Three and Seven than I had learned in all the other books that mentioned them, including Ouspensky's Gurdjieff teachings books.
Miller and Redfield have a unique way of taking complex subjects and concepts and making them mind-friendly.
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Miller begins by explaining what game theory is and why you'll find it useful not only in business but in everyday life. He uses examples from his own life and from his experiences teaching at Smith College, which give the book a nice personal touch; for example, he includes a section on applications of game theory to Greek mythology, a cross-disciplinary approach that interested his students. But he also includes obligatory yet interesting sections on Nash Equilibria and the well-known "Prisoner's Dilemma", without which no book on game theory would be complete. Other topics include price competition; sports and lotteries; the personal computer industry; and the stock market. Each chapter is introduced by a humorous quote: the chapter on price competition, for example, gives us Lily Tomlin's "The trouble with the rat race is that even if you win, you're still a rat."
The book includes many helpful figures and diagrams, and an appendix at the back provides study questions and answers, should readers be interested in testing their understanding of each chapter.
If the book has a main flaw, it is a flaw that applies to game theory in general: game theory assumes that players are acting rationally and in their own self-interest. There is little room in game theory for irrationality, illogic, insanity, and acts based on faith. Miller deals with this problem briefly ("The Benefits of Insanity", pp. 31-34) but incompletely, showing only when insanity might benefit game playing, rather than explaining how game theory fails when irrationality enters the picture. But a critique of game theory itself could fill another entire book, and I'm hesitant to fault Miller for the flaws in his field.
In short, I'd recommend this book not only to business people wanting to learn more about business strategies, but to anyone wanting to understand more about a basic economic theory.
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"Monopoly Politics" (Hoover Press, 1999; 157 pages), by James C. Miller III, describes a system so stacked in favor of congressional incumbents that challengers have little hope of defeating them in the voting booth.
More likely than not, the vast majority of congressional incumbents who run for re-election this year will win, and win big. In 1998, voters re-elected 98.3 percent of all incumbents who sought to remain in the U.S. House of Representatives. Three out of four of these incumbents won re-election with more than 60 percent of the vote. Believe it or not, that was fairly typical for a congressional election. Since 1950, incumbents seeking re-election to the House won 93 percent of the time. Senators fared nearly as well, winning 80 percent of their re-election bids.
In explaining these overwhelming percentages, Miller juxtaposes political markets with commercial markets. In the latter, anti-trust laws exist to prevent businesses from colluding to keep new competitors from entering the marketplace. But in the political marketplace, elected officials routinely engage in monopolistic practices with impunity. After all, Congress writes the election laws.
Miller, who once served as chairman of the Federal Trade Commission, and who was himself a challenger in two Senate primaries, believes incumbents often win re-election because they have access to the formidable resources of their political offices. For instance, incumbents routinely bombard their home districts with mass mailings at taxpayer expense. They have free use of the Capitol's television and radio studios. They use the appropriations process to lavish their districts with pork-barrel spending. They provide "constituent services" to the voters who will ultimately decide their political fates. Few challengers can easily overcome such advantages.
Federal election laws also provide congressional incumbents with a substantial edge. For example, the law allows incumbents to maintain multi-million-dollar "war chests" from one election cycle to the next. These discourage would-be challengers from entering the race. And because incumbents with large war chests are thought more likely to win re-election, many challengers find it difficult to raise money for their underdog campaigns.
Reform-minded readers will enjoy Miller's lengthy discourse on campaign finance reform. Although several reform proposals are competing for Congress' attention, most are based on the assumption that money has corrupted the political marketplace. Predictably, the leading reform proposals would further restrict a candidate's ability to raise or spend campaign money.
Miller advocates an entirely different point of view. He believes the political marketplace is suffering not from too much money, but from too little competition. While incumbents are generally well-known in their home districts, most challengers must spend an inordinate amount of time and money to introduce themselves to the electorate. Further restricting a congressional candidate's ability to raise or spend campaign money would only make it more difficult for challengers to become known in their districts.
"Monopoly Politics" offers 15 specific recommendations for increasing competition in the political marketplace. Among other things, Miller would eliminate the legal ceilings on campaign contributions and require campaigns to disclose their contributions fully. He would impose term limits, eliminate "pork" in the budget, prohibit war chests, and end the free use of Capitol television and radio studios.
Some of Miller's recommendations are more practical than others. (Indeed, fiscal conservatives have tried unsuccessfully for decades to purge wasteful pork projects from the federal budget.) But on the whole, Miller's recommendations would likely inject much-needed competition into the political marketplace. For that reason, expect incumbents to offer fierce resistance.
As interesting as Miller's book is, even more interesting have been the reactions to it. Inside the Washington Beltway, people nod in agreement with Miller's description of how politicians engage in anti-competitive behavior, as though that is the way the system is supposed to work. Outside the Beltway, people have trouble seeing what the controversy is all about. They could care less about competition among politicians. After all, aren't politicians pretty much the same? In fact, politicians aren't all the same. But if we don't change the system, we might never be sure.
(James Carter is an economist with the U.S. Senate. Patrick Chisholm is managing editor at KCI Communications, an investment newsletter publisher.)
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The artwork is what makes the book special. Look at the picture accompanying this book and of other books by the same artist to get an idea of the type of art this book includes.
I've enjoyed Millet's writing in the past, and "Parables" didn't disappoint. He takes a nondenominational approach to the parables of Jesus, offering insight about how they can apply to our lives today. There's no deep theology here -- just useful observations and commentary. We've used the book as the basis for family devotionals, and the children seemed to enjoy it.
In my view, this book would make a fine gift for any Christian family or anyone who likes that style of art.
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