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And the book's simple and happy message is a wonderful way to introduce your young children to Woody Guthrie and his vision of love and compassion for all.
My little boy and girl (ages 2 and 4) cannot type yet, but I speak for them when I give this book and CD the full 5 stars.
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As such, it demands of the reader a familiarity with Nabokov's works - I can't imagine that the novel would have anything like its intended effect had one not read Nabokov's other novels. Whilst this is not uninteresting, it seemed to me that Nabokov was making two large assumptions:
(a) that, as I mentioned above, the reader would have the necessary background knowledge; and
(b) that the reader would be interested in this form of testimony as opposed to a straightforward autobiography (I confess I have not yet read "Speak, Memory").
Indeed, there is fun to be had with spotting the allusions to the real Nabokov's works. Yet, it seemed to me to be a rather sad book, not only because the main character is struggling with the onset of dementia, but it also reflects what I feel to be Nabokov's obsession with his status in modern literature - I suspect he wanted to be thought of as a great author, when in fact he was a middling one.
There are certainly pleasures in the text and flashes of wit, but overall the fictional memoir of a passive cloddish alter ego is a disappointment, a not-very-fun series of games and in-jokes. It seems to me that Vadim understood but cannot implement the title's command. At least he doesn't enjoy those he manages to see as harlequins there to amuse him.
and finally perhas, at the ontological conceit of a fixed self that could be wholly either one or another. The protagonist here is a dialectical monster flitting between Nabokov and Humbert Humbert, a monster Nabokov himself capture's like a moth between LATH's pages. The last, and in some ways perhaps richest novel from a modern master.
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Complaints? I've got a few. The editing in this volume is not up to the series' usual standards. Some of the biographical sketches are sloppily written and some artists seem to have been left out unintentially (for example, Area Code 615 is mentioned many times in the text, but doesn't get an entry). Also, as long as I'm complaining, some of the decisions about who to include are a little loopy -- the Greatful Dead but not John Prine? And music reference books go stale fast -- the latest entries in this one are from mid 1996, so a new edition is called for.
With all that said, I spent half the night reading through this one, promising myself that I'd go to sleep after I read just one more entry... If you're anything more than the most casual country fan, you need this book.
Several points argue against the dependency theorist. Marxists, with their idiosyncratic class theory of the state, miss the relationship between legitimacy and strategy of state power, reducing everything to economic power differentials. They focus on class struggle, supposedly the manifestation of economic "contradictions." This overlooks historic dynamics going back centuries that include constitutional, technological, economic, cultural, and legal changes that are not epiphenomenal precipitates of an economic base. In addition, nationalistic financial centers unleashing war upon another makes little sense now in an era where nation-states are becoming obsolete. In a world with weapons of mass destruction held by "virtual" states, mass immigration, environmental challenges, epidemiological concerns, and a vulnerable, privatized critical infrastructure, future war will be undertaken for reasons unrelated to capital export.
Lenin misses the development of the state which was occurring in his history. Under many state-nations, the state was the realization of the nation, its order, its will. James Madison writes in Federalist #63: "The true distinction between these and the American governments, lies in the total exclusion of the people, in their collective capacity, from any share in the latter, and not in the total exclusion of the representatives of the people from the administration of the former." One thinks of more extreme examples, such as Rousseau's general will and Hegel's deification of the state as a living god. Napoleon was the apotheosis of the state-nation.
However, state-rights were challenged as national-rightists began to assert themselves. Bismarck's effort for unification is the most notable example. Americans are more familiar with the American Civil War. The United States changed from a Union to a Nation, as seen in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address in 1863. States eventually were deemed legitimate by how well they promoted the general welfare of a specific nation. This was legitimized at Versailles -- self-determination being most important -- the state taking care of the welfare of a nation, rather than the other way around. Most of Lenin's colonies are nation-states today. Such nationalistic loyalty will become increasingly challenged as market-states, with internationally floating finance capital, blossom into existence as more and more question the nationalistic paradigm, as seen by change in Western reaction to the four Yugoslav wars of the 1990's. Sovereignty was once opaque, particular to a nation. Now nationality is becoming irrelevant to human rights -- a basis for legitimacy, as crime and war become blurred.
As far as Lenin's historical scheme is concerned, several points can be noted. Capital flows from France went overwhelmingly to Russia where profits could be made during that period, not to her colonies. (Lenin dismisses this as mere government "loan" capital...) Some blame Britain for undermining Argentina's economy with capital investment -- but one forgets -- the favorite target for British capital in the 19th century was the United States of America. The current financial relationship between the U.S. and Japan has not brought upon imperialism. In addition, with the earlier Portuguese empire -- the cost of policing their empire was actually greater than the benefit of their far-flung gains, leading to its demise. Dutch imperialism faltered in the 18th century -- though Indonesia was retained until the 20th -- because her prosperity was based upon tight control of the Baltic. These are just a few of many examples that confront the dependency theorist.
Lastly, in the modern context, the price of raw materials has been falling worldwide for years. The prosperity of LDCs will become more and more contingent upon the intelligence of their workforce. Most colonial cold war conflicts were battles to the death over which form of nation-state was legitimate -- parliamentary, socialist, or fascist. Whether the "rather dead than red" style policies were ethical can be debated, but surely one can understand the urgency (or paranoia?) of the Americans in the 50s, with the Soviets with the bomb, China previously turning red, communists on the move in Indochina, Korea, Latin America, Africa, et cetera. Many American and Soviet-implemented horrors were strategic in basis, not economic.
This work is essential for those interested in Marxist theory. I cannot see how it is applicable to today's world, but for anyone seeking to understand the 20th century, particularly the viewpoint of one of its major actors, I'd recommend it.
It made sense to me of how Lenin viewed Capitalism in global terms, rather than individual or local terms. If the individual Bourgeois exploits the collective proletariat, then Lenin goes further that a majority Bourgeois country (i.e. USA) exploits a majority prolerariat (Mexico) country. And in the largest sense, international monopolies and large banks direct the inner workings of this exploitation-dynamic, regardless of what geographic state they represent. Backed up with a lot of creditable statistics,a clear and comprehensive insight, this book is extremely convincing; especially when one considers today's 'globalization' phenomena.
Even with his analysis of the 1910's, one gains a better understanding of the capitalist development of the 21st century -Lenin wouldn't be surprised by the economic paralysis of third world countries, the huge debts of certain states and certain citizens, and the massive power of the IMF.
However, no matter how convincing Lenin may be, it is important to be cautious of him. Lenin finished this book in one of the most important events as a politician in 1916. In 1917, gaining victory in the revolution, he announced to the press of the "one-party state," which censored any thought, idea, or action that did not fall under the context of Marxist tenets. In a sense, Lenin founded the beginnings of Totalitarianism. How tragic! But it is not unknown that when politicians bite the granite, they no longer become nice and virtuous human beings.
He justified noble ends with corrupt means. I have experienced the 'heat,' of radical-oriented books. Lenin's Imperialism is certainly one of them. This heat increased my knowledge of a certain thing in a certain perspective, but burned off my common sense and intuition. I used to think this to be a feeling of 'enlightenment,' (cheesy, but true) and discovered that I only lost my freedom to think for myself.
I know this is a weird comment, but make sure to consider context, content, and open-minded inquiry when reading such material! It's important for freedom! Altogether, two thumbs up to Imperialism, judged by its tremendous importance and intelligent insights. But reader, beware! Don't get caught up in the heat! Be careful! Remember 1917?
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We use the book by itself sometimes. Other times, my child will read along while we listen to the symphony.
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Unfortunately they had more backers, more money and more luck in Russia. Make no mistake, if you fall into this hateful trap you will be used for the destruction of your own society. The powers of darkness are alive and well today. Be on the alert and may God blees you!
From 1917-21, the new Soviet Republic battled imperialist invasion and counterrevolutionary forces in a civil war. The Kronstadt rebellion flared when it seemed the civil war was at a pause and the political and fighting capacities of the countries working people was near exhaustion.
There were many other rebellions during the period, but Kronstadt posed more serious implications for the existence of working class leadership heading the Soviet government.
Opponents of the October revolution saw Kronstadt as the closest point to Europe and a defenceless Petrograd. A central demand of the nearly 15,000 rebels was, "Soviets without Bolsheviks" which was a weak kneed way of calling for the overthrow of the workers and farmers government.
The book covers the speeches and writings of Bolshevik leaders Lenin and Trotsky exposing the dangers involved and what was behind the motivations of the Kronstadt rebels and it's leaders. In later years, Trotsky takes on critics who label aspects of the Bolsheviks suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion as the beginning of Stalinism.
When over three hundred delegates to the Russian communist party congress volunteer to throw themselves - in the biting cold of the Russian winter -into the middle of a military battle you are not sure you are going to win and do just that. Then you know the mutineers at Kronstadt were up against a force much wider and deeper than the Bolsheviks.
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Ulam writes well and is interesting to read. As a lay reader I found all the details sometimes overwhelming, and I had to do additional research to understand the issues that the Bolsheviks were responding to. As a non-scholar, I found this book readable and memorable.
This book is a critical look at the life and career of V.I. Lenin. It is not entirely one-sided, however, and the author generally does a good job of putting events in their proper perspective. Those considering buying the more well-known Lenin biography written by Dimitri Volkogonov would do well to read this instead. It is far superior in every respect.
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Somewhat early Rojansky introduces a simple physical model, a copper block with a cylindrical hole, and then frequently revisits this model to address increasingly complex problems. It proves to be an effective way to link more advanced sections to earlier lessons.
During new derivations, references are often made to earlier derivations and results (by equation and section number). I had to stop, thumb back to earlier sections to find a result, and then move back to the derivation at hand. Rojansky's text is not unique in this respect, but at times I did find it annoying.
Rojansky assumes that the reader works most exercises (or at least thinks seriously about them) and should you fail to do so, you could find yourself returning to earlier sections for review. The problems are not overly difficult and useful hints are provided. Answers are not provided and it may be helpful to refer to a general problem set (like Schaum's).
Rojansky limits his text to electrostatic fields and magnetically induced electric fields, to isotropic media, and to macroscopic phenomena. Nevertheless, despite the leisurely approach and avoidance of electrodynamics, this book is not an entirely easy read. Maxwell's equations do emerge and more difficult chapters address topics like integrating delta functions, solving Laplace's equations, and investigating plane electromagnetic waves, antenna radiation, and wave guides. As with most Dover reprints, this book is a good buy. I give it a solid four stars.