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Yet the critiques of others --that the OSB fails to make use of scriptural study that is prevalent within the Orthodox community, that it fails to be Patristic enough in its notes and comments-- are well grounded. Much more could have been added on the interpretation of passages by the Fathers, and it is a shame that this was not done. The book introductions are quite simplistic and often fail to consider the critical study of even Orthodox scholars on such issues as authorship, dating, audience, etc.
Still, most non-academics will find this a helpful and enjoyable volume. Its lexicon at the end, and guide to Bible reading by Bp. +KALLISTOS, are both excellent.
For those, especially, who are looking for a friendly insight into Orthodoxy through New Testament examination, it is a book worth having.
There are wonderful notes on nearly all the verses of the New Testament, giving the interpretation of the Orthodox Church on the Holy Scriptures. It also includes a lectionary, chapters on "How to Read the Bible," and "Introducing the Orthodox Church," and wonderful articles are interspersed throughout the Bible on such topics as "Confession," "The Four 'Orders' in Church Government," and "The Transfiguration." The pages are also graced by the presence of beautiful icons.
I do have a few minor problems with this Bible. Some is left to be desired in the Book of Psalms, largely because the Septuagint, the Old Testament of the Orthodox Church, was not used. (Of course, this is about to be resolved because the same group of people is currently working on the Old Testament Orthodox Study Bible using the entire Septuagint text.) It was also disappointing to see that in the Morning and Evening prayers in the back, there is no mention of the Virgin Mary. However, the notes and articles throughout the Study Bible clearly explain the emphasis which is put on the Virgin Mary in the Orthodox Church.
I would highly recommend owning this Study Bible, and I don't feel that it deserves a lot of the harsh criticism it has gotten. They did an excellent job!
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Quite simply, one must ignore a great deal of evidence, and treat what evidence is left most unfairly, in order to deny that Jesus existed. Greco-Roman historian Michael Grant, who certainly has no theological axe to grind, indicates that there is more evidence for the existence of Jesus than there is for a large number of famous pagan personages - yet no one would dare to argue their non-existence. Meier notes that what we know about Alexander the Great could fit on only a few sheets of paper; yet no one doubts that Alexander existed. Charlesworth has written that "Jesus did exist; and we know more about him than about almost any Palestinian Jew before 70 C.E." Sanders echoes Grant, saying that "We know a lot about Jesus, vastly more than about John the Baptist, Theudas, Judas the Galilean, or any of the other figures whose names we have from approximately the same date and place." On the Crucifixion, Harvey writes: "It would be no exaggeration to say that this event is better attested, and supported by a more impressive array of evidence, than any other event of comparable importance of which we have knowledge from the ancient world." Dunn provides an anecdote similar to the one above regarding Shakespeare. Referring to Wells'thesis, he writes:
The alternative thesis is that within thirty years there had evolved such a coherent and consistent complex of traditions about a non-existent figure such as we have in the sources of the Gospels is just too implausible. It involves too many complex and speculative hypotheses, in contrast to the much simpler explanation that there was a Jesus who said and did more or less what the first three Gospels attribute to him. The fact of Christianity's beginnings and the character of its earliest tradition is such that we could only deny the existence of Jesus by hypothesizing the existence of some other figure who was a sufficient cause of Chrstianity's beginnings - another figure who on careful reflection would probably come out very like Jesus!
Finally, let's seal the coffin on consenus with these words from a hardened skeptic and an Emeritus Professor of History, Morton Smith. Of Wells' work, this historian and skeptic of orthodox Christianity wrote:
"I don't think the arguments in (Wells') book deserve detailed refutation."
"...he argues mainly from silence."
"...many (of his arguments) are incorrect, far too many to discuss in this space."
"(Wells) presents us with a piece of private mythology that I find incredible beyond anything in the Gospels."
None of these scholars, we emphasize, is a friend of fundamentalism or evangelical Christianity. Contrary to the protestations of the "Jesus-myth" consortium, they make their statements based on evidence, not ideology. Conspiracy and bias exist only in their own imagination.
Carlos madeira 20th of July of 1999
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The book isn't aimed at the specialist - the issues of dating, the MS tradition (less info than in this review!), the many philological issues with the text are not addressed, and footnotes are only for the translation, and mostly simply summarise Macarius' response. However references to the Apocriticus are given (an improvement on the same author's Celsus).
There is a rather pointless essay occupying the second half of the book, which the author admits is not for specialists and has not a single footnote. The introduction is unsatisfactory - for instance it does not even list the works of Porphyry. On the first page the quote from Tertullian from Ad Scapulam (title not given but obvious) is inaccurate; the lack of footnotes makes it hard to check others.
The translation is very crisp, and much the best part of the book. It is not always very accurate. For instance he translates "The evangelists were fiction-writers - not observers or eye-witnesses to the life of Jesus" (p.32) where the Greek (and Crafer) says "The evangelists were inventors, not historians of the events concerning Jesus" (p.38, Crafer, p.20 of Blondel's text). Hoffmann's version suggests they were not eye-witnesses, and consequently he can make no sense of Macarius' reply. The correct translation allows us to see that 'Porphyry' has no opinion on this - a 20th century idea - but just says that their accounts are invented.
I had wondered whether the book was worth doing. It is hard to imagine a series of reconstructions of lost anti-semitic literature being made. But somewhat to my surprise, it does have a contribution to make - a definite picture of the nature of Porphyry's work emerges, which makes it plain why it no longer exists.
The arguments of Porphyry will appeal to Christian-haters - apparently the target audience (in the first couple of pages of the introduction almost every statement by a Christian writer is labelled a 'boast' or 'brag'). Porphyry's method is to highlight by pretending an 'idiot-boy' obtuseness to what used to be called quaintly 'bible difficulties'. A few pages of this will be enough for most readers, other than the anti-Christian believer.
But the power of the work lay in its silent appeal to the embarassment at being different that any minority feels in a society that does not share its values. He sneers at Christian respect for the poor, for instance. Frequently he does not argue - merely assert that such an attitude is shameful. Of course once times changed, this process worked in reverse, and his appeals to the shibboleths of a vanished society were at best meaningless, and the obtuseness embarassing even to his admirers in Christian Greece. This then is the real reason the work had power, and why it is lost.
This book suffers because the editing is not up to standard, and the statements made are usually undocumented and too often have not been verified. I missed any discussion of the many interesting problems of philology posed by the text. It would have been nice if Hoffmann had gone to look for the MS, as I suspect it is only lost because no-one has seriously searched.
It is always nice to see a new version of any ancient work, even if a popularisation like this, particularly for so obscure a work as the Apocriticus.
Note: This text has not been considered an academic work by the scholarly community; it is not listed in the academic bibliography l'Annee Philologique, and so I presume was not reviewed by any academic journals.
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Almost all of the important dates for significant happenings; i.e., when the WCG leaders met with evangelicals are cleverly omitted. The author tells the world that the WCG is "Trinitarian" now, but his mention of the Holy Spirit in the book approaches zero. (To this day I haven't heard members of the Worldwide Church of God admit that they consider God a "Trinity".)
I consider this book the greatest deception a cult has pulled off in this century. I hope more people research the facts and let the truth speak for itself!
Exit & Support Network
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John O'Connor could have been great! He could have been. Instead he chose a different path - favored son in a "family" (in this case an institution) out of touch with the world.
He could have dared to speak up for those who were marginalized.He could have told the poor faithful people of his church that he understood their need to practice birth control. He could have advanced the recognition of women as full and complete members of the church. He could have recognized that so many American Catholics felt out of touch with the message of their Church. While he visited dying gay men and opened places where they cold die with dignity, he continued to deny their legitimate place on the earth.
Perhaps the greatest lost opportunity was the fact that John O'Connor could have changed the Church -- but didn't!
I finish this book sadly feeling that here was a man who had the forum to do great things but sadly chose not to. It is the sadness of "the could have ... but didn't".
A Man of Conviction is small book which poorly conceived and dully written. If this book is some effort to advance O'Connor's spiritual legacy in the hope that he will yet again be promoted, perhaps to Sainthood, it is a bad start.
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My Brother Joseph, however, is much more than the tale of a friendship between two men. The book also provides us with an understanding about how Bernardin grew into a much-admired and loved churchman who provided energetic and visionary leadership to the Archdiocese of Chicago and the Catholic church in the United ! ! States.
Kennedy helps us appreciate that Bernardin was niether a dealmaker nor a crafter of compromises; he was instead a genuine consensus builder. His genius as a leader lay in his ability to maintain that delicate balance between loyalty to the institution and respect for the person. Bernardin also refused to typecast people. This capacity helped him work effectively with fellow bishops holding different points of view and was one of the gifts he used eventually to produce the US bishops' pastoral letter on war and peace.
Most memorable in Kennedy's book, however, is the very human person who emerges in its pages. We see Bernardin in those unguarded moments that we all have with good friends -- moments when, free of self-censorship, we say exactly what's on our mind. We are also privileged to witness the growth of his ever deepening spirituality.
The friend that Kennedy had in Bernardin was no plaster saint. Yes, he was ambitious. While still Archbishop of Cincinnat! ! i, for example, he confided to Kennedy that he would very m! uch like to head the Chicago archdiocese. While tolerant of others, their idiosyncractic behavior was not lost on him. He cloaked his reactions to these annoyances, however, in subtle humor.
Kennedy has done us an enormous favor in sharing with us his years of friendship with Bernardin. We come away from this book convinced that God did have a dream for Joseph Bernardin and that this exceptional man spent his life discerning just what that dream was about and living it out. Each step along the way helped make him what he was at the end: an extraordinary leader, a compassionate pastor, a dear friend. Simply put, he was the very best of men.