The book's premise is straightforward: Jesus Christ is both Creator and King, and therefore all of life, both private and public, is subject to His rule. The implications of this should be obvious, but alas are not: modern society becomes hysterical at the very thought of anything which might, in modern terms, "mix politics with religion." Of course this hysteria is nonsense. Every ideology is inherently religious, since it inevitably makes assumptions concerning creation and the nature of reality and the source and meaning of right and wrong. But the Christian religion and its trappings are out of vogue in this century, while the cults of the all-powerful state and the relativistic individual reign supreme, and it should surprise no one that the acolytes of the modern polytheism should seek to silence the ancient monotheism at every opportunity.
So just what are the implications of a consistently Christian political theory? Perhaps it is best first to understand what the implications are not. While the authors call for a Constitutional amendment recognizing Jesus Christ as Lord and as the Source of its life, liberty and law -- much the same as almost every other Western nation has -- they emphatically do not call for what moderns refer to as a "theocracy". "Theocracy," which is to say, rule by God, already exists: Christ's kingdom is "not of this world", and He rules the affairs of men no matter what they do or say. Rather, the authors believe a consistently Biblical social theory requires a separation of church and state, that the two institutions, along with the family, are ordained by God and meant to operate in very different spheres. They do not call for the submission of government to the church, or any earthly clergy: what they want is conformity of civil life, and indeed of civilization, to the teachings of Christ.
In practice, this means that the authors do not favor a change in the form of American government; they favor a change in its character and beliefs. It is an ideological and spiritual revolution they seek, not a revolution of the modern sort, and it is entirely based on principles familiar. The authors stake the claim of Jesus Christ's rights as King, but do not call for an Earthly king to rule in His stead; instead, they call for repentance and conversion on the part of those who do rule on Earth -- the electorate -- and for the election of leaders who will faithfully discharge their Constitutional duties not as faithful humanists or faithful Marxists but as faithful Christians.
And what does leadership as a faithful Christian mean, aside from not committing adultery, not breaking campaign promises, and not selling secrets to the Chinese? Well, actually, it means a change in worldviews, just as did the shift from the old order to New Deal statism in the 1930s. The authors take time to explore the Christian foundations of liberty in the modern world, noting correctly that of all the ideologies in history, only Christianity produced modern political and economic freedom. They detail the depravity which results (and which has resulted) from an abandonment of absolute right and wrong, and show why no adequate legal standard -- and certainly no truly free one -- can be built apart from the standard of Scripture. They trace the free market's roots in Biblical law and show why government must be both very small and very unintrusive. They offer a completely new paradigm for education, and call for reason over "sentimentalism." In short, they address, and address well, most of the vital issues of the day.
One cannot come away from Explicitly Christian Politics without a deepened realization of the religious nature of the "isms" of our time and the abysmally bad politics that flows from them; likewise, one cannot read this volume without an appreciation for the fact that these Christians have devised a better model. Quibble with the details all you like: Explicitly Christian Politics is nothing short of the rebirth of a vital Christian social theory, far beyond the "me-too" pluralism of the Christian Right to date. There's something special here. it is very clearly not going away.
Copyright: Rod D. Martin, 8 May 1998.
Still, there is a lot of good information in the book. I think it covers items that Loverro's book (very good as well) ignored or glossed over-- how Gibbs wanted to sign and trade Riggo and how Joe Jacoby ended up sticking around in that first camp. The Times summary makes it sound like Gibbs and Beathard were geniuses building a team. This book shows that they were also lucky geniuses. If you are a Skins fan, you should own this book.
I see there is also a newer edition out with the Synder years (ugh).
List price: $31.00 (that's 30% off!)
"Sir Thomas More" is a play originally written by Anthony Munday about 1594, but it failed to pass the censors; accordingly, in c. 1600-02 the play was reworked, and some scenes occasionally rewritten, by Thomas Heywood, Henry Chettle, Thomas Dekker, and William Shakespeare. It is for Shakespeare's involvement in this play, consisting of no more than one scene and a short soliloquy, that "Sir Thomas More" is really remembered at all.
The first two acts of the play are, as a whole, strong and dramatically effective. As the play opens long-simmering resentment of native-born Londoners against foreign French "straungers" living in the town is boiling over, and the mounting tension leading up to rebellion is well-executed, leading up to the climactic "Ill May Day" scene, written by Shakespeare, in which all the tension is diffused by More's pacificating address to the rebels (and Shakespeare's passionate plea for the common humanity of the "straungers," reminiscent of Shylock's "Hath not a Jew"). The rabble-rousing revolutionary John Lincoln cuts an attractive figure, despite his xenophobia, and Doll Williamson is a feisty and entertaining character that a modern actress could have great fun with.
After Lincoln's execution at the beginning of Act 3, the play loses its dramatic thrust and goes all over the place in search of a plot, in a hit and miss fashion. The most noteworthy scenes of the latter half of the play are the episode of Jack Faulkner and his "shag hair," Lady More's graphic and poignant dream of the "whirlpool," and when More speaks "like Moore in melancholy."
"Sir Thomas More" is not a masterpiece, but it's worth reading and probably ought to start being printed complete in collections of Shakespeare's work. In every collection I know of, Shakespeare's "Ill May Day" scene is printed alone, but I never fully appreciated it until I read it in its context in "Sir Thomas More": there is great tension in that scene, which Shakespeare masterfully diffuses with humanity and the voice of sanity, but that tension can only be appreciated if you read the non-Shakespearean scenes which came before it and set it all up.
In short, this book deserves to be out of print.
The book's premise is straightforward: Jesus Christ is both Creator and King, and therefore all of life, both private and public, is subject to the author's interpretation. That is, the authors are pretending to be god. The implications of this should be obvious, but alas are not: today 1/2 of the U.S. Senate would sleep soundly at if the reigns of goverment were turned over to Pat Robertson- or, e.g., if John Ashcroft were to become attorney general.
Every ideology is inherently hubris, since it inevitably makes assumptions concerning creation and the nature of reality and the source and meaning of right and wrong.
Hopefully Americans will learn of the diabolical nature of these Reconstructionist theocrats before it's too late.