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The problem is that they only fill about a fourth of the book. The rest is filled with hagiography, which I was surprised to find. After all, we have the book "Bader - the man and his men", giving a detailed account of England's O'Hare, Douglas Bader, minus the holy approach. It is possible to present the life of a true hero without superficial glamour, but Lundstrom and Ewing missed it here.
Another case in point is Blackburn and Hammel's "Jolly Rogers". There, too, a hero is given a thorough treatment, but there's no added sugar. Maybe it is because the authors are not accustomed to writing from this angle; I think I'll stick to their pure combat books.
Butch's most famous flight occurred on February 20, 1942. Butch was on board the carrier Lexington when a group of Japanese torpedo planes attacked the task force. Butch scrambled his F4F Wildcat fighter off the deck and rose to meet the enemy. In the span of about 5 minutes, Butch single-handedly shot down 6 of the attackers while saving the task force from certain damage. Butch was awarded the Medal of Honor by President Roosevelt at a ceremony at the White House. Afterward, Butch embarked on a war bond tour where he visited factories and gave rally speeches. While on a visit to Grumman, Butch was able to talk to designers about the limitations of the F4F. This input led to the development of the F6F fighter, which Butch would fly later in the war.
The authors do a good job of describing in great detail Butch's war days. I felt like I was flying right along with him. Particularly interesting was the detailed description of Butch's final flight. After attacking a group of Japanese planes, Butch's night fighter group was to regroup and head back to their carrier. However, a series of unconfirmed and sketchy events occurred which led to the death of Butch. Some people believe that Butch died as a result of friendly fire, while others believe that a snooping Japanese plane managed to get close enough to shoot Butch down without being detected. The authors claim the latter, and I agree with their assessment.
Butch O'Hare was a true war hero. His bravery and courage were shining examples to others, and his heroism was a true morale booster during the dark early days of the war. A replica of Butch's F4F stands in O'Hare airport, named for him, in Chicago. Read this excellent book and experience the life of a true American hero.
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Cooley succeeds in providing an admirably detailed account of the origin of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan, including excerpts from the now-infamous 1998 interview with Zbigniew Brzezinski published in a French publication in which he boasted about having entrapped the Soviets into invading so that they would experience their own Viet Nam-type military disaster. The involvement of the CIA, along with Pakistan's ISI, in supporting and supplying the *mujahedin* is laid out clearly, and Cooley even devotes a chapter to the significance of the opium trade as a source of funding for Islamist armies both during and after the campaign against the Soviets.
Other chapters discuss how the multi-national Islamist "freedom fighters" dispersed after 1989 to spread their gospel of militant Islam and their terrorist tactics to Egypt, Algeria, Chechenya, the Philippines, and ultimately, the United States. The book was completed prior to the events of September 11, 2001, but the material dealing with previous Al-Qaida attacks in the U.S., including the first bombing of the World Trade Center, is vital reading for people interested in historical background to the current crisis.
The main problem with this book is that whereas Cooley presents a veritable blizzard of "facts," there is very little accompanying analysis. The presentation reads like a first draft, a mass of semi-digested material in dire need of editing and refining. Particularly in the chapters pertaining to recent terrorist activities in nations outside of Afghanistan, the endless parade of names, dates, places, factions and parties will make even the most resolute reader's head spin.
Overall, the book seems to have been thrown together way too quickly, as evidenced by an appalling lack of careful proofreading or fact-checking. Examples of gaffes that should never have made it to the final galleys include the claim that California's Chico State University is located in Nevada, the declaration that the time period between 1956 and 1970 constituted 24 years, and a reference to the "two 110-foot towers" of the World Trade Center. Whoops! Aside from the obvious sloppiness evidenced here, the inclusion of these kinds of careless errors cannot help but cast doubt on the overall accuracy of Cooley's reporting in this book.
Given that so far there is but a handful of books in English that provide historical background pertaining to Al Qaida and international terrorism generally, I would say that Unholy Wars is definitely worth reading. We can only hope, however, that a more analytical and carefully written work on these subjects will emerge soon.
The US state intervened first in Afghanistan. On 3 July 1979, President Carter signed a secret directive authorising covert aid to the mujehadin. The CIA promoted drug traffic in the Golden Crescent to raise funds for them. The Egyptian, Saudi, British, French and Israeli Governments all sold them arms. The CIA supported their sabotage and guerrilla operations inside the Soviet Union. Only in December 1979, five months after the US intervention, did Soviet troops enter Afghanistan.
The war's effects on Afghanistan have been terrible: four million refugees, the land in ruins, continued strife even after the Soviet Union withdrew its troops, the Taliban dominating vast areas of the country. Further afield, the US-created mercenaries have destabilised Algeria, Chechenya, and the former Central Asian Republics of the Soviet Union, among others. Some of them tried to create a separatist 'Eastern Turkestan' in China's Western region of Xinjiang. However, China has defeated these efforts, and the Algerian Government succeeded in quelling the reactionary forces trying to overthrow it.
In this book, Cooley portrays the US state as a good sorcerer, who mistakenly released shadowy yet invincible forces, which it is now trying to crush. He pretends that the mercenaries are now separate from and opposed to the US state. In fact, the mercenaries are doing just what the US state wants, trying to destabilise any Government in the world that shows any sign of independence. So Cooley's book both prettifies the US's real foreign policy, and tries to legitimise its globocop role.
The Reagan regime continued Carter's Central Asian policy, and began to deploy an army of Muslim zealots from geographically strategic Pakistan and wealthy Saudi Arabia. Jihadists from every corner of the Muslim world were recruited and trained by the CIA and US military Special Forces in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and even at US military bases. Reagan vastly increased funding of mujahedin "holy warriors" who established their own facilities -- later to become terrorist training camps -- in Afghanistan. There, exiled Saudi billionaire Usama bin Laden started his ascent from mujahed commander to international terrorist mastermind. Following the death of Leonid Brezhnev, Mikhail Gorbachev implored the UN to intervene and help negociate an end to the Soviet Afghan quagmire. At this, Reagan responded with his infamous exhortation to the mujahedin "Declare holy jihad and go for the victory!" After the Soviet withdrawal, the government of Afghanistan collapsed. The various mujahedin factions began to fight amongst themselves for political supremacy, territory, and opium. The fundamentalist Wahabist Taliban emerged victorious. The so-called northern alliance was (and still is) a loose coalition of warlords and bandits with the motive of personal power, tribal bigotry, and drug profits for its opposition to the Saudi-sponsored Taliban. Moscow regarded the Northern Alliance as the sole barrier between Wahabist extremism and the vulnerable bordering Central Asian states. Russia committed ongoing support to the northern forces, whose leader was, ironically, one of the most notorious CIA-trained rebel operatives during the Soviet Afghan War.
Normally, I am not impressed by right-of-center interpretations of history, because they so frequently attempt to absolve the US of responsibility for disasterous policy. But Cooley has written an honest, unbiased account of the birth and rise of a world-threatening evil. And "Unholy Wars" does not spare recriminations toward any country whose actions contributed to the empowerment of international terrorism. It is a frighteningly eye-opening and timely book. All I can say is, read it now!
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The book opens with a brief and useful historical overview of the Navy's presence in the Gulf and the run up to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. While the story of how the US Military arrived at its plan to fight the war is interesting, the account of the logistics of the buildup is somewhat tedious. I realize logistics are the backbone of any military operation; but it just wasn't that interesting except as part of an official history.
The authors deserve credit for addressing the problems the Navy faced: a lack of integration with the other services, infighting among the Generals (Army and USAF) and Admirals, and an ill-conceived mine laying operations that cost two pilots their lives, for example. It avoids being "whiney" about slights during the air campaign from an Air Force dominated air warfare command structure, yet is somewhat bogged down in details about tasking orders and control systems.
This book will probably only be interesting to the more die hard Naval historian and students of Joint Military Operations for lessons learned. For a good account of modern Naval Warfare, I would be more inclined to recommend Admiral Sandy Woodward's "One Hundred Days" about the Falklands War.
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While the "Naval Terms Dictionary" is a great tool, I have found a few drawbacks to it. While it is set up alphabetically like a normal dictionary, it completely lacks any sort of pronunciation guide for words (some of those terms are pronounced funny) and a listing of what type of word it is (noun, verb, adj, etc). It also neglects to seperate different definitions for the words, opting to give both in a paragraph form. You can usually define the type of word it is from the definition, but it would have been a little more professional to write it in a standard dictionary format.
Overall, despite its relatively minor flaws, this book is a great tool for folks who are in the navy, or read a lot of naval history and fiction.
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One of the more interesting aspects of this work was the description of Buford's early career on the plains. In the literature and television programming that followed the release of Gettysburg, one had the impression that Buford was a battle-hardened Indian fighter in the pre-war years. Longacre does a good job of showing that while he had some experience, he was by no means an expert in cavalry warfare when the Civil War broke out. Nevertheless, this part of the book was fascinating because it turns out that Buford was involved in several little known, but major campaigns in the antebellum west, including actions in Kansas and against Bringham Young's Mormons.
The Civil War career of John Buford definitely climaxed on McPherson's ridge, July 1, 1863, it is therefore proper that his biography climaxes on the same episode of his life. Though exciting to read about, it was at the same time disappointing, as Longacre seemed intent upon dispelling every popular myth about Buford at Gettysburg-it seems the truth never makes a good story!
After Gettysburg, the author tracks the twilight of Buford's career and life, as he literally rode himself to death. Though Longacre is over-zealous and unconvincing in his evaluation of Buford's contribution to cavalry warfare, he does leave the reader questioning how the war may have been different if he had lived.
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His career includes stints as the president of the continental congress, member of the Massachusetts legislature and governor of the newly independent state of MA. His roles in the revolution and the adoption of the constitution are central: as president of congress, his is initially the only signature on the Declaration of Independence; he coordinates and equips the continental army, including large expenditures out of his own pocket; he turns the tide in Massachusetts in favor of ratification.
So the biography is interesting because the man is interesting, even pivotal. It's also well-written, in the sense of being easy to read.
But the book's also a little spiteful. Anyone who clashes with Hancock, ever, comes in for a little sting from the biographer's pen. Sam Adams, in particular, is described as a bloodthirsty, erratic and backstabbing radical, who undercuts and betrays Hancock at every turn. Even George Washington is painted as behaving irrationally, in contrast with Hancock's genteel polish, in respect of some offers of hospitality that Hancock extends to the general, and Unger seems incapable of mentioning John Adams without calling him "fat little John Adams".
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