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In "Reflections on violence" Sorel gives great importance to the idea of social myth, because according to him, myths can lead everybody's energy towards a given aim. In his opinion, there is an enormous difference between myths and utopias, because myths don't only describe an ideal, but try to reach it. Through utopia you tear yourself from the world, with a myth you transform it (and transforming it you find yourself, because man is creative activity).
Sorel thinks that myths are not rational, and because of that they cannot be judged intellectually. One of those myths is the myth of the general strike. He believed that particular myth could give the proletariat (through syndicalism) enough strenght to fight against the bourgeoisie. Sorel also affirms that violence is positive, because while force gives the workers chains, the violence directed at that force frees them.
In conclusion, I must say I liked this book. When he highlights the importance of myth, I guess he also somehow stresses the tendency human beings have to dedicate their life to an ideal, a cause. And that ideal is likely to be of the utmost importance to us, because our beliefs make us. That is the reason why it is so important to choose the right ideal, the right cause. The problem is that Sorel doesn't measure the truth of each myth, but merely its efficacy, and by doing so opens the way for all kind of disasters. How can we expect even a little bit of rationality from social life if the ultimate end of that life cannot be evaluated rationally?. And if we cannot understand intellectually our aim (the myth), how can we realise if it is legitimate?. If you can, read this book... It'll make you think !!!
This book should be required reading of anyone who aspires to a pro-active approach to conditions surrounding work and Labour.
It would be useful for corporate executives and polticians to keep this book permanently by their bedsides.
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The book advocates syndicalism (a system in which industrial workers' unions are the vehicles of political power), but it eschews the pseudoscientific rhetoric favored by Marx and Lenin. Sorel is not particularly strong on economics, and he knows it.
What he does know is cultural history and he advocates political rebellion through violence and mythmaking. The book is essentially a broadside against Jaures and the calculative, creeping parliamentary socialism of fin de siecle France. He finds Jaures and his methods to be too meek and compromising. He characterizes parliamentarism (accurately) as a system of endless debate, dealmaking and "selling out". Sorel advocates revolutionary violence as a means to both power and the creation of a new mythic order. He correctly observes that the Jacobins were violent and bloody, yet they managed to create a mythology for the French Revolution which still held a strong cultural resonance in his day.
Direct action, mythmaking and ruthless bloodshed were the means Sorel recommended for revolution. His ideas went largely unacted upon in France, but the anarchosyndicalists of Spain took him quite seriously.
His greatest disciple however, was a young socialist named Benito Mussolini. Mussolini's Fascist movement was based upon direct action and inspired by a myth of a resurgent Roman Empire. Mussolini made explicit reference, again and again, to the importance of myth in revolutionary struggle.
Sorel inadvertently became the prophet of revolutionary Fascism.
Two asides: (a) there is no reason for corporate executives to keep this book by their bedsides - it contains nothing of economic value, and its ideology is thoroughly exhausted and devoid of contemporary relevance; (b) Sorel is one of the few French intellectuals besides Tocqueville who seemed to have a healthy respect for America and the American economic miracle.