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Rustin limits his subject matter to figures seemingly incarcerated in mental institutions or old folks homes. Rustin doesn't pity these elderly people of questionable mental capacity; his paintings are tender, a bit voyeuristic at times, and explicit. His people seem to seek solace with each other, explore their bodies together and alone, seem sad and yet somehow complacent with or resigned to their plight. The drawings shown here are good, but the paintings not shown are more poignant. Rustin is not at all well known in the USA but should be. In a time when we are groping with our inevitable mortality, when we are producing a prolonged life spans that will fill retirement homes, Rustin's commentary seems particularly piquant. And as usual, Lucie-Smith pulls focus to an important painter with his terse commentary.
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Volume I opens with a heartfelt preface where Grant explains how his diminishing health pushed him to complete this work and "asking no favor but hoping (his remarks) will meet the approval of the reader." They most definitely do. Following the preface, the reader is given a (very) short review of his early childhood, life at West Point, and early Army life. The next one hundred pages are dedicated to the Mexican War followed by his resignation from the military and civilian life in Illinois. The remainder of Volume I and all of Volume II extensively deal with the War Between the States.
I found Volume I (written before Grant realized he was critically ill) to be rich in detail of the various military campaigns (perhaps too detailed) and his ascension through the military ranks, but it is somewhat lacking in personal observations and insights. It even drags at times--but stick with it. The patient reader will not be dissapointed. Volume II hurls the reader into the conflict, reads rapidly, and is rife with Grant's personal observations and insights.
This second volume picks up where the first left off--following Vicksburg to the campaigns in Tennessee to the Battle of the Wilderness to Sherman's March to the Sea to the Battle of Franklin right up to Appomattox and all the events of April and May 1865. These campaigns are told from the commanding general's perspective with great overview and detail. However, what really makes Volume II (and this volume is much more fast paced than the first) special are all the personal observations and insightful (rarely negative and always humble) comments about those Grant served with and against. Grant is thoughtful and displays much about himself as this great book draws to a close. An eloquently written, detailed, first-person account of the Civil War that offers much to those who read it.
I cannot recommend this book highly enough.
This book surprised me by being an excellent management study. The lessons which are easy to take away from the book are aplicable to anyone who is faced with mission definition and achievement. It should be must reading in MBA programs.
Grant's lack of ego is surprising when compared to other Civil War figures and high achievers who have reflected on their lives and actions. By not only focusing on things that went right for Grant, the book has a tremendous credibility borne of real life trial and error, frustration, lessons learned and later employed.
A great book.
Most disturbing is Smith's propensity to borrow liberally from other authors in his interpretations. Certain sections of this book read similarly to words written by previous Grant biographers. See particularly his views on Grant's drinking, which are similar to McPherson's sections in his book, "Battle Cry of Freedom" (available on Amazon).
Smith is strongest in his post-civil war sections and his chapters on Grant's much-maligned Presidency are well-written and contain much needed revisionism. Grant was not the bumbling fool as President as is so often depicted. Smith deftly shows that Grant's years in the White House were not devoid of achievement.
Still, the flaws of this book surmount any of the positives. The pacing is poor and only a few scant pages are devoted to Grant's valiant race with death and the publication of his brilliant memoirs. The civil war chapters are fairly flat, with no fresh information or anecdotal material. He relies on dated sources and accepts whatever they offered without critical analysis. There are better Grant books out there and you would be advised to search those out.
Particularly good is the analysis of Grant's presidential administration, treating his role in quashing the Ku Klux Klan; his policy toward American Indians; his role in the attempts by Jay Gould to corner the gold market. This book is strongly recommended for understanding the Reconstruction period politics; also for Grant's role in disarming the 1876 constitutional crisis over the election -- one very similar to the crisis the country faced in the 2000 presidential election.
The only important topic not treated well is the aspect of the Civil War that William Tecumseh Sherman represented: war on civilian support for the rebellion.
In addition, Smith's writing style is crisp and lively; full of anecdotes. The author's side-by-side contrasting two views of Grant expressed by the Adams' brothers is a classic. And Smith's own appreciation of Grant's writing style caused me to seek out the general's Memoirs after reading this book.
The early chapters focus on Grant's experience at West Point, in the Mexican War, military outposts, and in his many varied and often failed commercial ventures. Throughout these early ups and downs, what emerges is the picture of a man of absolute integrity and humility... a man unwilling to solicit position or accept patronage, unfailing in his payment of peronsal or financial debt, and unflinching in his duty.
Not unexpectedly half the book addresses Grant's military service; most of the accounts are familiar. Smith, however, goes to considerable length to discuss Grant's relationships with subordinate and opposition leaders (e.g., Simon Bolivar Buckner, Sherman, Longstreet, Thomas). The author points to the Federal movements at Vicksburg (1863) and James River (1865) as among Grant's most inspired, while bringing perspective to the momentum gained and lives lost during the campaign of 1864 (e.g., Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor). Sometimes labeled a butcher, Grant's casualty ratio was consistently less than Robert E. Lee's and, unlike preceding Eastern commanders, Grant refused to pay for the same ground twice, choosing to defeat the Confederate Army rather than focus on "geographical trophies."
While the sterotype of the Grant White House is one of corruption, graft and patronage, the book reveals Grant's efforts to avoid or alleviate all. After supporting Lincoln's intent for the South during a true failure -- the Andrew Johnson years (1865-1968) -- Grant makes notable contributions as President. Against a backdrop of residual post-war division, Grant supports the civil rights of freedmen in Reconstruction and of Native Americans in the West. Despite legislative resistance he outlined model civil service reform to prevent rampant patronage. Internationally Grant and his outstanding Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, oversaw successful treaties governing future relations in the Carribean and enduring peace with England, Through timely, adept and honest maneuvering Grant vetoed the 1874 "inflation bill" and oversaw passage of the Resumption Act establishing sound monetary policy and placing the country on a strong economic footing. Destruction of the Whiskey Ring affirmed fair taxation and removed corrupt officials of both parties. Grant also addressed and sustained separation of church and state.
The book is easily read and balanced in its treatment. Smith discusses the motivations of Grant's occasional "benders," and allows that the General was often too trusting of his friends, many of whom hoped to profit by their association with the great man. Thoughout, however, Grant's honor, motivations and intentions emerge unstained. Jean Smith's book is well researched (ample footnotes, a 38 page bibliography, and 78 pages of citations and endnotes), the only complaint being that many are from eminent but secondary resources. I whole heartedly recommend "Grant" to the general reader, Civil War historian, and politically curious. As I did, you will come away impressed with a Ulysses Grant few have troubled to know well.
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By Justin
The strengths of the book is that the book contains good material on why Saddam was regarded as a hero in the Arab world. He gives a pretty good history of the Middle East. Also, I like some of the "behind the scenes" information of the campaign against Iraq.
The weaknesses of the book are glaring. First, there are too many quotes. I do not really care what the assistant to the US Ambassador to some country that I never heard of says about something that an equally minute representative said about Saddam Hussien, just to give an example. Keep in mind that not ALL quotes were bad. Another thing is that the book STOPS at the bombing of Baghdad. The questions of why did Jordan support Iraq or Did Iraq and Iran mend fences were never mentioned. The major weaknes is that there was not enough historical distance at that time to justify writing a detailed work. In political terms, the book is above average. In military terms, it is pretty weak.
If someone was writing a paper on the Gulf War, I would recommend this book as a starting point. If someone wanted to know about military concerns, this is not the book for you.
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Biographer Jean Edward Smith certainly has the expertise to tell the story of Clay's life. He edited Clay's papers, wrote an important history of Berlin during the Cold War, and had a series of long interviews with the general and his family.
The man that emerges is a paragon of virtue. Clay came from an influential family; he was a distant relative of the nineteenth century statesman Henry Clay and his father was a U.S. Senator from Georgia, but finances were tight. He attended West Point because it was free. Clay saw no combat in World War I and progress in his career during the interwar period was slow and frustrating like so many others who went on to have large commands during the war. During the conflict Clay's administrative and logistical talents earned him general's stars, but also kept him in Washington. He was willing to take a demotion to get a combat command, but the War Department would not let him go.
The bulk of the book focuses on the last four of his military career; the time he served as military governor of Germany. Clay recognized that the occupation and decisions about its future were political issues, he treated them as such, and insisted that his administration not be part of the normal Army command structure. He wanted, and got, direct access to Eisenhower, the supreme commander of allied forces, and the Secretary of War back in Washington. Clay was serious about establishing democracy in Germany and denazification efforts. He, however, maintained a distance from most German officials, not wanting anyone to be tagged as a collaborator. He also wanted to avoid a punitive peace settlement and made sure that Germany had a solid fiscal foundation upon which to base its economic recovery. Smith shows that the French, rather than the Soviets, were the biggest obstacles to him in these efforts. Clay ultimately ended reparations in Germany because of the amount of plunder headed west, not east. Although Clay was one of the last to give up on cooperation with the Soviets, he was one of the first to defend German liberties. He oversaw the Berlin airlift that preserved the freedom of the western half of the city.
After retiring from the Army, Clay became a corporate CEO, but refused to take a position with any company that did defense work. He was a foreign policy troubleshooter in the 1950s and 1960s, when the status of Berlin threatened to turn the Cold War into a real war. His trips to Berlin helped reassure the nervous population of American protection and support. Smith adopts Clay's position that President John F. Kennedy handled the German issue poorly and allowed the Soviets to divide Berlin, dooming thousands to life in a Communist state.
Smith has done an impressive job of letting Clay's personality and views comes through the text. Clay made this difficult, he left no collection of papers or letters for a biographer to use. Smith's solution to this problem was extensive research in the collections of many other individuals and interviews with the general and his family. At the end of each chapter, Smith includes excerpts from his interviews with Clay. These sections make Clay's views clear, but it also makes for redundant reading. Smith also has a tendency to exaggerate his subject's influence. He soft peddles his criticisms, and usually faults Clay for minor, trivial matters. Still, it is clear that Lucius D. Clay was a man of integrity and he type that Americans can be proud to have had serve in their government.