Used price: $15.88
Collectible price: $18.52
President Coolidge was not a man accustomed to tooting his horn. He is well known for his economical use of words. Without a doubt moderate or conservative in personal behavior, President Coolidge should not be confused with modern political conservatives. While his personal behavior was clearly conservative, his political beliefs were more identifiable with those associated with modern libertarianism. President Coolidge was one who believed that government should exercise restraint and not limit liberty. Despite this belief that government should exercise restraint, President Coolidge's Administration suffered very little from scandal.
Modern historians often portray Coolidge as a minor figure and trivialize his time as President. Often portrayed as a lackey for big business and for not doing anything to prevent the Great Depression, this biography puts holes in the myth that he was in the pocket of big business and responsible for the Depression. President Coolidge was neither lazy, unintelligent, nor an accidental President. Coolidge understood the concept of restraint and approached life as President from that perspective. Not concerned with the outward trappings of power, Coolidge stayed true to his Vermont roots.
You will find that Coolidge was neither indolent nor unintelligent after reading this book. President Coolidge is just the kind of President we need today.
I picked up this book out of curiosity - I read the Coolidge chapter in Nathan Miller's book "Star-Spangled Men - America's Ten Worst Presidents", and decided to learn more about this silent, penurious, enigmatic President who was apparently heartless and supported big business while in office.
I soon found that this man was quite likable, although he lacked the garrulous nature of many politicians. One of his major faults, as Mr. Sobel put it, was in "not being able to predict the future." He cut taxes four times and had good reason not to interfere with Wall Street (read the book to find out why!).
To any person that wishes to know more about an OUTSTANDING U.S. President who was in office during a time of great prosperity, please consider this wonderful biography.
As is ably demonstrated, Mr. Coolidge was popular as much for what he was as for what he did. His integrity and moral rectitude served him so well in those pre-TV times. A man such as this would stand no chance in today's prettified, telegenic politics.
Mr. Sobel is able to illustrate the injustice done to the memory of President Coolidge as being cold and remote. Mr. Coolidge was a child of his time, region, and upbringing. His deep love for his family is refreshing.
This eminently readable book will give great enjoyment to those interested in Presidential history.
List price: $16.95 (that's 30% off!)
Used price: $8.80
Buy one from zShops for: $11.09
All 3 of us experienced the same things (just as the patients of Dr. Ezrin had experienced): we are not hungry, we feel good, and we have more energy.
Dr. Ezrin is an insulin expert, and with Robert Kowalski has written an incredibly easy how-to manual to lose weight. They make difficult concepts easy to grasp, and have written the book in a motivational style. They suggest discussing this with your doctor--even having your doctor read a chapter in the book written to medical professionals. After reading it, my great doctor prompted me to proceed.
Buy this book, read it, start the diet. You will lose excess weight!
List price: $16.95 (that's 30% off!)
Used price: $10.00
Collectible price: $15.00
Buy one from zShops for: $11.09
Depleted level of seratonin (which can't be measured on any test) cause a wide variety of health problems, often misdiagnosed as thyroid problems, Chronic Fatigue, etc. (See the article about it on my website...).
Read this to understand the problem - and the solution. It's totally curable, with a simple treatment. And "Your Fat Can Make You Thin" even has a chapter addressed to your doctor to help explain things from a medical point of view.
You have nothing to lose, and your life to regain!
Used price: $8.50
List price: $15.00 (that's 30% off!)
Used price: $1.98
Collectible price: $5.00
Buy one from zShops for: $7.00
Used price: $24.66
Collectible price: $26.50
Buy one from zShops for: $28.00
Ferrell raises the question in this study: "Why did Coolidge not do more to deal with economic matters and consult with his advisors?" Perhaps the author answers this question in mentioning the Federal Reserve's reluctance to intervene in monetary policy and stock market speculation. In addition, Ferrell analyzes Coolidge's political philosophy on two counts: his opposition to governmental paternalism and belief in laissez-faire economy. In fact, Ferrell writes that Coolidge cut income taxes drastically; by 1927, 98 percent of the population paid no income tax.
The Presidency of Calvin Coolidge judges the president in an objective manner and uses extensively researched primary and secondary sources. The author, however, does tend to use quotes excessively and this may irritate some readers. Besides, Ferrell gives a vivid account about society in the 1920s, but his information about automobiles appears repetitive at times in this book. Furthermore, Ferrell suggests that to blame Coolidge for lack of foresight in not preventing the holocausts of our time seems unhistorical. Yet, a historian does indeed judge people and historical events both diachronically and synchronically. Overall, Fer! rell admirably addresses Coolidge's strengths and weaknesses in an analytical framework. Finally, the photographs add a realistic vision about Coolidge and his times.
Used price: $3.83
Although the book is well written from a stylistic point of view, it is difficult to get past the authors bias towards his subject matter. Murray states right up front that he sees the Harding story as a 'Greek-like tragedy,' and this spills out on every page. (pp. x) Take this book at face value and you will believe that Harding never did anything wrong, that all of his actions were noble and intelligent, that his political maneuverings were efficient and his administrative efforts sadly misconstrued by his political opponents, a sensationalist press and later historians harboring a liberal agenda. He goes too far.
All of this is not to say that the book is without any redeeming qualities. Murray describes the Harding biography as more analytic, while he intends this work to be primarily interpretive and analytic. He succeeds, to a degree, in this effort. There is a substantial amount of interpretation between the covers here. Despite the limited size of the work, it is well documented and tied to a broad range of primary source research. It is probably the better book for the reader that needs only a light understanding of the Harding presidency because it manages in a few pages to associate the personality and circumstances to the actions of President Harding.
The book contains only six chapters, five of which deal with the Harding presidency. Harding is dead by the end of the fourth chapter, the fifth chapter deals with the various scandals that tarnished his presidential reputation. The sixth chapter is the only one to mention Coolidge, and that is almost in passing and appears to have been reluctantly tacked on at the request of the editor or publisher. Harding started out as a rather nondescript senator from Marion, Ohio. Even Murray concedes that there is nothing particularly spectacular about Harding or his behavior during his time as a senator. However, it is here in the early chapters that half of the value of the book exists. Murray does not effectively add shine to the lackluster reputation of Harding in his personality profile of a man that many consider as one of our most forgettable presidents, but he does add depth. Harding was a consensus builder, a conciliator and mediator, an affable 'normal' guy, that just happened to become a U.S. Senator and later president. Yet for all that, Murray is convincing in his contention that Harding was nobody's fool. He had his own mind and made his own decisions. Ironically, though Murray probably did not intend it, this tends to indicate that the scandals that later wracked the administration fall squarely upon Harding. This runs counter to the then (1973) current historical interpretation that the cabinet appointees that later brought discredit were the result of the political machinery of the Republican Party. In this interpretive work, Harding comes across as a man torn between his ideals and the practicalities of his position. ... The book is at its best here, well documented and supplemented with observations gleaned from Murray's research into the personal papers Harding's contemporaries, especially those of Robert LaFollette.
Murray describes the 'normalcy' platform as, 'a conservative approach to national problems and politics, embracing traditionally understandable and historically acceptable methods for dealing with the nations ills.' He does not prove this well. Rather than stand back from the legislature, this president assaults it. Rather than disengage the nation from international affairs not relating to economic issues, Harding is in the thick of them. Harding ardently works towards normalization with former enemies, the series of Washington naval treaties and various debt restructuring plans for both former allies loans and former enemy reparations. This is not a president following the 'normal' line of international non-involvement. Yet Murray tries to erase this dichotomy between platform and actions through interpretation. Writing in 1973, it might be possible that Murray was letting a few of his misgivings on the current state of the nation leak into his historical writings.
True, in many ways Harding did adopt 'a policy of normalcy.' By the time the contentious 67th Congress retired both Congress and the president could point towards lower taxes, a budget plan, farm relief and restricted immigration as evidence of 'normalcy.' But this is belied by much of the other material that Murray presented. Harding was no progressive, but neither was he quite what he claimed to be.