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One of the more controversial, yet not often discussed topics is the role of the PLO in general and Arafat's in particular to the future of Palestine. The role of Arafat is not to be underestimated - he has singlehandedly represented (or at least singlehandedly represented himself as the voice of a nation) the interests of the Palestinian Arab. What are we to do with Arafat? More importantly, what at the disparate Palestinian Arabs going to do about Arafat? That is one of the key questions Barsamian and Said takes up here. If an organization that was built on "Liberation" is involved in Administration - is it a good thing? Are the players in this case qualified to perform Administration? If not, should others be considered to carry the banner. Ironically, you can draw a metaphor here that is patently Jewish. Moses did the liberation but Joshua took the Jews to the "promised land" - mind you, I am not making any comparisons of Arafat to Moses or the notion of the "promised land" as 100% legitimate - I am merely agreeing with Said that a second look might be advantageous.
One of the major points is the notion that there will never be normalization of relations unless the relationship is a relationship of equals:
"We are now on a new stage. What the Israelis want is a normalization of relatiohips between Israeland the Arab states including the Palestinians. Of course I'm all for normalization. But I think real normalization can only come between equals. You have to be able to discriminate between tutelage and dependency on teh one hand and independence and standing up as a co-equal with your interlocutor. We haven't done that. That's why I think it's the most important political task for the coming decade." p. 167.
How much simpler can it be?
Miguel Llora
Said discourses on, among other topics, the role of culture in shaping literature, the pro-imperialist inclinations of V.S. Naipaul, the simultaneous anti-imperialist and anti-liberation outlook of Joseph Conrad, why Albert Camus is portrayed as having been an anti-colonialist when he was, in fact, quite the opposite, Western stereotypes about Arabs, why it is possible to have an honest discussion of Israel's flaws in the Israeli media but not in the United States, and the decline of the American left. Occasionally, he gets, well, a bit recondite, but he is often very interesting and I like him very much.
But he is at his best when discussing the Palestinian movement and its leadership, Arafat and the PLO, with whom he was on close terms before the 1993 Oslo accords. The thoughts in this book are from when the "peace process" was in its infancy but not much has changed, in spite of all the new agreements and changes of government in Israel. He discuses the PLO leadership's corruption, opportunism, utter ignorance of the U.S., Israel and anything else outside the Arab world, preference for acceptance into the high society of Washington, London and Paris instead of attending to the grassroots struggles of their people. He points to Arafat's resistance to pressures for internal PLO democracy as the reason for his acceptance of the Oslo accords, which gave the PLO control over a portion of the Gaza strip, which has become an ubelievable hellhole as a result of deliberate Israeli policies (Israel's responsibility for its condition is never noted in the U.S. media, as Said notes), so Israel seized at the chance to give some of it to Arafat; and accepted the Jewish settlements in the occupied territories as "legal", allowed Israel to continue building in Jerusalem and expanding "greater Jeruslem" to include all of the central West Bank, expropriating and robbing Palestinians as they go about it, Israeli retaining complete control over the settlements, the Jordan valley, the water and all the other resources, the economic policies, and a veto over all decisions passed by the Palestinian parliament. Arafat's basic duties are to pick up garbage and arrest and punish all persons whom Israel thinks threaten its "security," a very elastic concept, that includes a great many non-violent persons.
It is this "limited autonomy" that the PLO leadership has said, and the quite honest and decent persons who repeat everything that they say, will eventually evolve into a genuine Palestinian nation. Of course, as Said says, it will probably evolve into a state, but only in the same sense that the bantustans of apartheid South Africa were a state for its black inhabitants. This has not been, of course, the version of events of the PLO leadership, Yossi Sarrid, Ehud Barak, Amos Oz, Anthony Lewis, "Peace Now," nor genuine supporters of the Palestinians who have been supporting the "peace process" for whatever reason. These latter brethren, Said notes, seem to have completely put in the back of their minds that the Israeli prime minister who signed the Oslo accords, Yitzhak Rabin, was a man who had helped ethnically cleanse Palestinians back in 1948, who directed the reign of terror against the Palestinians during the intifadah, who was conducting mass atrocities and housing expropriations of Palestinians at the time of the signing of the accords and immediately escalated them afterwards, who, in July 1993, bombed hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, including many Palestinians, towards Beirut, in order, as he told the Knesset to put pressure on the Lebanese government to bend to Israel's demands.
As Said says, the Labor party has been and is every bit as racist and oppressive towards the Palestinians as Likud, which lacks the sophistication and appearance of moderation of Labor that endears it to the Anthony Lewis-Daniel Schorr type liberals. Said has been somewhat isolated in Palestinian circles because of his opposition to the "peace process." Hopefully, for their own sake, in light of the current horrible events in the territories, they will start listening to them.
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This volume take great pains to explains Said's key concepts, ideas, contexts and impact. Both authors take the time to address reference to both his scholarship and journalism. The range of ideas include:
(1)the function and space of text and critic in "the world"
(2)Power/Knowledge
(3)the social construction of the "Other"
(4)the joins between culture and imperialism
(5)exile
(6)identity and
(7)Palestine.
It needs less explanation from me and more engagement from the reader to get the fullness of the experience. What is key is how well they have taken the time to explain through most of Said's interlocutors such as Dennis Porter, Aijiz Ahmad and Robert Young - to name a few. The key is to keep in mind the critique of Said and how fair and relevant they are. Said's use of Foucault is problematic and is discussed and certainly well explored in this book. Buy it, read it and digest it - then re read Orientalism.
Miguel Llora
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James wrote most of these 19 short stories while living in London and visiting the continent. This volume of his stories starts with "Professor Fargo" and ends with "The Author of 'Beltraffio'". But, perhaps the most famous of the stories included here is "Daisy Miller: A Study." Few, if any, of these stories will disappoint a 20th century reader.
Unlike some fortunate reviewers, who have had careers as librarians or who have degrees in English Literatue, I started reading authors like Henry James on my own. I approach a author just for the pleasure of reading his/her work. I started reading Henry James with these short stories and have graduated to his novels. At first his writing seemed slow and stiff. But, once I settled into the cadence of his writing, I concluded that this suited the formality of the upper classes he wrote about. Now, I can't seem to put down one of his stories until the end.
James wrote so much during his life that it seems impossible to read all that he wrote, but I think I'll try.
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Auerbach's approach should be captured in this line. He analysed various Western literary text in the light of form and the social structuer of that time. His point is that we could detect the social structure of that time or totality, in the term of Marxist tradition, not only in content but also in form, or in Auerbach's term, style.
We are apt to think that people are the same wherever and whenever they lived. This is probably a legacy of our democratic, universalistic heritage. It is also what gets us in trouble when we get involved abroad in changing other nations and their societies. Auerbach shows us that humankind is not and has not been alike in its thoughts, aspirations and character but has distinctly changed and varied over time and place.
By closely reading, analyzing and comparing texts of different periods through time, the author demonstrates how the structure of language interacts with the structure of thought, how the way one writes delimits ones vision. This is a more radical thought than its converse that the way we think affects how we write. To Auerbach, an early medieval religious writer, because of the way that Late Latin worked, could not think the way a classical author could. This seems intuitively wrong to a person who has knowledge of one language, but if you have ever tried to translate anything beyond the simplest sentence, you can appreciate what Auerbach means. This is one of those books that stay with you for a lifetime.
A stirring page turner with simple unawashed straight-talk about politics, religion, world order, even the vagaries of corporatization. Really, I hesitate to make this into a long intellectual review but you will find themes ranging from the opportunism of Gandhi, to the seeds of discord that US itself sowed in the middle east and south east asia (and what the future holds), to the after-effects of blatant commercialization on our social lives, to.... Wait, what am I doing. There is no way you will regret the 11 dollars that go into this incredibly eye-opening insight, so stop wasting your time reading these reviews and just buy it!
Quite simply as close to an intelligent thriller as a work of non-fiction can come. Required reading.
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Similarly, Bharati Mukherjee's essay, "Imagining Homelands", provides thoughtful elaborations on the nuances and connotations of the words "expatriate", "exile" and "immigrant"; she draws fine and interesting distinctions among these words and carefully entwines these distinctions with an elaboration of her own life experiences.
The strongest essays in this collection, however, are those of Eva Hoffman, Edward Said and Charles Simic. All three of these writers provide classic insights into the experience of "exile, identity, language, and loss" which are worth careful thought and consideration. All three suggest (as does Mukherjee when she describes herself as an "integrationist" and a "mongrelizer") that the exile can only ultimately be redeemed by rejecting irrational devotion to the narrow and myopic tribalism of nation, ethnicity, religion, and ideology which so often encumbers the exile community; that redemption comes only through freedom, reason and syncretism. Thus, Simic writes, in concluding his essay, "Refugees", that the poet "is a member of that minority that refuses to be part of any official minority, because a poet knows what it is to belong among those walking in broad daylight, as well as among those hiding behind closed doors."
Hoffman's essay, "The New Nomads", is clearly the best of this collection. She carefully delineates the universality of the exilic experience, an experience which can be found in the Ur-text of Adam and Eve's exile from the Garden of Eden. She then discusses the way in which exile can magnify the impulse to "memorialize" the past. The result, she suggests, is that exile distorts the vision of the past, tending to make it an idealized "mythic, static realm" which forever impedes the ability to deal with the present (what Hoffman perceptively characterizes as the "rigidity of the exilic posture"). She then provides an interesting discussion of A.B. Yehoshua's provocative essay, "Exile as Neurotic Solution", wherein he postulated that there were many opportunities for the Jews (prior to the creation of the modern State of Israel) to settle in Palestine more easily than in countries where they had chosen to live, but it was the one location they avoided. In Hoffman's words, "[i]t was as if they were afraid precisely of reaching their promised land and the responsibilities and conflicts involved in turning the mythical Israel into an actual, ordinary home." The ultimate result of the "memorialization" of the past and the "rigidity of the exilic posture" is that exile communities often cannot function in the locus of the larger society; rather, they conceive of themselves as perpetually "Other".
Edward Said's essay, "No Reconciliation Allowed", describes the dislocation of the exile in vivid terms: "a Palestinian going to school in Egypt, with an English first name, an American passport, and no certain identity at all." Thus, he finds himself in a secondary school where only English is permitted to be spoken, even though none of the students is a native speaker of English. While his entire educational experience is Anglocentric in the extreme, he is also trained to understand he is a "Non-European Other", someone who can never aspire to being British in any true sense of the word. While Said has been criticized recently for allegedly misrepresenting his past, he is quite forthcoming in this essay in acknowledging his admiration for "self-invention". In some sense, Said's essay and the narrative of his life reflects his theory, specifically the notion that we can (and do) use language instrumentally to construct social realities (in this case the reality of his life).
While somewhat uneven, as all collections are, "Letters of Transit" ultimately provides a rich, varied and deeply insightful range of readings on what it means to be an exile.
There is not, however, based on just one perspective. We read five different authors' point of view and their personal experiences, which allows for a range of inquiries.
I highly recommend this book.
(July 1, 2001; 977-424-499-0)
A well-known Palestinian poet, Barghouti was exiled from his village near Jerusalem for 30 years and finally granted permission to return for a brief visit. In a rich and evocative language, he reveals his feelings as he re-enters Palestine and begins to visit again places he knew as a boy. Barghouti writes in a poetic prose whose unexpected images constantly open new vistas for the reader. With neither polemics nor exaltation he explores the sense of self and loss, the interaction of the past and the present in the emotional baggage that exiles brings with them on return home. He makes the reader feel in the most personal way a sense of presence and absence and the changes that time has wrought both on him and on his homeland. In the growing body of exile literature (the Iranians contribute an important share), this book is one of the most human and humane documents available. It is both timely and timeless, a powerful statement of an existential condition that is becoming increasingly common in the world. It should be in every library.