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I find myself wondering how we went from a patriotic society of John Adams, George Washington and others to a society of selfishness. We are presently a society that looks foolish in so many regards. The pamphlet, Common Sense was written to energize people to fight for the basic rights of man. It is a sad day when novels like this must be written. However, note the word must. I hope that this book does not need to be read in the future, but presently it is necessary to remedy the problem. This book illustrates they ways in which our society has gone wrong and with enough hard long thought the answers to fixing those problems can be deduced. NOTE: This is not a civics book, nor does it show how government operates but for higher level thinkers, interested in making America the robust leaaderin liberty that she once was, this book must be read.
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The public has become less trustful of government. Polls show about 75% of the public during the 1960s trusted government. In 1973, 42% of those polled had "a great deal" or "quite a bit" of confidence in Congress, In mid-2001, 26% stated that had a "great deal" or "quite a bit" of confidence in Congress.
The public distaste for politics along with the mean spiritedness of campaigns discourages many capable people from even entering politics. Further, many who do select public service as a career are finding the burdens of service are causing them to leave public careers prematurely. The loss of dedicated public servants weakens the legislative process as well as reduces the public image of legislatures.
While the public may be disillusioned with representative democracy, and while politicians may similarly have reservations, the alternatives are no better. The authors argue that the option of Executive dominance can lead to concentrated and abused power. The alternative of direct democracy may be cumbersomely unpractical and may be more readily manipulated by powerful interests.
Negative campaign advertising is cited as a major influence in the declining appreciation and respect for politics and for government. Political scientist Richard Fenno has found that negative campaigning is further affecting government, as candidates are elected by claiming their opposition to the institutions to which they seek eleciton and, upon election, their negativity hampers their abilities to serve in office.
The authors note the very nature of legislative politics is bound to create negative public perceptions. Most legislation that is passed reflects compromises and the mere act of compromising often leads proponents and opponents both feeling disappointed. Legislative work thus usually wins few friends, yet it produces important results.
Despite its complexities and nuances, representative democracy does work. The legislative branch does a good job of bridging the gap between the public and policy makers. The alternative of administrative control concentrates power too much and the alternative of direct participation is too cumbersome. Representative democracy may not be perfect, as this book discusses, but it is the best system there is. Readers wishing to explore these discussions will greatly appreciate this book.
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I read a lot of books once I am interested in a subject and I would place this one at the top for documentaries.
As I sat at my video production terminal I realised that the nirvana of books on docudrama had been produced. This is the sort of book that makes you go and get the authors name tattooed on your butt.
Buy , buy , buy ..
No one has come close in their summation of the documentary process. It is 2001, the book was released in 1996, it is timeless. The best book on the market, a better book could only be devised by the author.
Four years of preperation in one book. Every student, professional filmmaker, enthusiast should have it. I have even allowed persons/subjects whom I was documenting to read this book. It made the process that much easier. They were extremely thankful. PURCHASE THE BOOK.
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The public historically has held skeptical views of politicians. The past generation of political leaders, which includes those involved in Watergate as well as legislative scandals resulting in convictions in several states, has lowered public confidence in politics. An Eagleton Institute survey found over one third of those surveyed assume over half of all legislators receive bribes. While Alan Rosenthal believes there was more corruption amongst legislators in the historic past, increased media scrutiny and criticism of legislators have weakened the legislative image.
Ironically, legislators today, compared to the 1960s, better respond to public demands, are more responsive to overseeing administrative functions and curtailing government abuses, are more independent of powerful political forces, are more competent as they have improved access to staff and information, and are more proportionally representative of the public with more women and racial minorities serving as legislators. Alan Rosenthal argues legislators accomplish more today than in the 1960s. Still, he warns "the instituion fabric of the legislature is unraveling."
When legislative scandals occur, legislative bodies often react by passing increased ethical requirements. Unfortunately, ethics becomes a political weapon. Challengers raise ethics issues in political elections against incumbents. Alan Rosenthal sees these debates creating more tense divisions amongst those legislators who are elected.
The climate of hostility and scrutiny is discouraging people from running for the legislature, Alan Rosenthal warns. He further offers his opinion that some of the better legislators have left legislative careers to escape the increasingly bitter legislative climates.
While Alan Rosenthal does not believe legislators are less ethical than other occupations, there is room for ethical improvements. There have been increased prosecution of legislative improprieties. One result of the Watergate crisis was the creation of a Public Integrity Section within the U.S. Justice Department. Prosecutions of public officials increased ten fold.
Another result of improved legislative abilities and increased legislative attention is more outside concerns are being impacted by legislative actions. The late 1980s saw a 20% increase in the number of lobbyists. Increased lobbying enhances opportunities for more illegal legislative lobbying activities.
Legislators are not blameless for their ethical lapses, Alan Rosenthal scolds. Some legislators have developed an arrogant disregard for the proper use of power. Some less powerful legislators have been convicted for accepting bribes of as small as $400, not because they needed the money yet because they wanted the feel that someone else thought they were powerful and influential. Legislators need to retain their sense of propriety.
Alan Rosenthal believes it is very important that legislators follow ethical standards. He observes that legislators place their own values and their constituents' values before those of contributors. On the other hand, he warns that legislators who argue contributions have no effect on them live in denial. Contributors are apt to receive greater attention.
This is another book of fascinating observations from Alan Rosenthal. The strength of his personal deductions from years of studying legislators is also this book's weakness. Little emprical evidence is presented to back up his claims. Still, as Alan Rosenthal practically is the only political scientist watching legislators, his experiences make him the best qualified field observer of legislators and his field guides to the legislative process are the best available. This book is highly recommended to students of state legislatures.
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Paper stock is poor and some prints are a bit blurry.
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Hard bop is introduced here through the prism of Lee Morgan: Morgan helped develop the style as an alternative to bop's successor, cool jazz, as developed, in part, by Gerry Mulligan and Miles Davis, and hard bop began to fade with his murder. But the book tackles more than Morgan, and, in fact, more than hard bop: It's a fascinating account of the various musical streams colliding--sometimes melding-- in the 10 years between 1955 and 1965.
Rosenthal traces the evolution of hard bebop as bop declined ("bebop . . . had turned into something of a straitjacket . . . Many of its best practitioners were dead, and others . . . were in decline"). Musicians looked to R & B to revive bop, and a new "more emotionally expressive and more formally flexible style began to emerge." Rosenthal looks at the expressions of hard bop in such diverse artists as Sonny Rollins, the soulful Horace Silver ("The Preacher"), Cannonball Adderley, organist Jimmy Smith ("Midnight Special"), Jackie MacClean, and, to a lesser degree, Art Farmer, Andrew Hill, Mingus, and some of the pre-1965 John Coltrane (e.g., with Miles on "Cookin'"). Rosenthal perceptively notes that hard bebop was a "complicated set . . . of interlocking tendencies," rather than a static, easily defined style.
I enjoy this book because it explores a somewhat brief phenomenon, and shows how it developed, flourished, and then gave way to new elements. The writing is crisp, intelligent, energetic, and full of illustrative anecdotes that illuminate and entertain (not the dry pedantic treatise one might expect on this rather narrow topic). Rosenthal shows the connections between various elements of jazz, and presents it as a living, evolving, powerful force. Eleven chapters following the introduction, no pictures. Very highly recommended to jazz fans of any stripe.
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